Somos Primos

 September 2005 
Editor: Mimi Lozano
©2000-5

Dedicated to Hispanic Heritage and Diversity Issues
 
Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research


            Have you forgotten?
       
September 11, 2001
          The Rolling Memorial

An independent trucker has painted his cab and trailer with the names of all those who lost their lives in 9/11.  

The trucker's name is John Holmgren from Shafer, Minn. 
The trucker has been "pulled over" numerous times just so the troopers can get their picture taken with the truck.


The entire crew and passengers of United Flight 175 and American Airlines Flight 11 are listed.

The cab itself has a the raising of the flag by firemen in the middle of the devastation. The back of the truck has a listing of all those that lost their lives in the pentagon.

 

Content Areas
United States
. . . 4
Anti-Spanish Legends. . . 27
Surname  Lozano   . . .32
Galvez Patriots
 
  . . .37
Orange County, CA
 
. . .47
Los Angeles, CA
. . .50
California
. . .53
Northwestern US
 
. . .70

Southwestern US  . . .74
Black 
. . .80 
Indigenous
. . .83
Sephardic
. . .87
Texas 
. . .89
East of the Mississippi
 
. . .102
East Coast
 
. . .107
Mexico
. . .115
Caribbean/Cuba 
  . . .139

Spain . . .146 
International 
. . .150
Dichos 
. . .167
History 
. . .168
Family History  
. . .175
Archaeology
 
. . .179
Calendar
Networking 
Meetings 

END
 
. . .181

   Letters to the Editor : 

Can't thank you enough for all your hard work, and for the enjoyment I get  out of the monthly newsletter. My goal is to introduce your work to at least  one Hispanic person each month.

Thanks!
Tim Crump  crumpta@msn.com

§
Hi Mimi, I would like to tell you how much I enjoy reading Somos Primos each month.  Thank you for the wonderful job that you do.  It is appreciated.  Would you please change my email address to
Jimandbhicks@yahoo.com
  Thank you.

§
Hello,  I just stumbled onto your
web site.  What a treasure.  Please add me to your mailing list.  I would be forever thankful.  Your hard work and efforts are greatly appreciated.    
Rick   r-osunchase@msn.com

§
Muchas gracias por tu linda revista. 
Saludos, Manolo
Manuel.Quinones@CEN.AMEDD.ARMY.MIL 

§
The Puerto Ricans at Carlisle Indian School: It was a big surprise for me when I read all the information about our Tainos. In P. R. since we are kids they teach us that the Spaniards killed them. Thanks a lot for this new window. 
Have a Blessed Weekend, Magda

§
Kudos! Min Alexander, a Puerto Rican from South Carolina.  malexan@sc.rr.com

§
WOW….it just keeps getting better and larger…..you are a credit to all Latinos.
denniskee@cox.net


Your paper has grown beautifully over the years.   vivan.drake@va.gov
 
§
Dear Mimi,  I so enjoy SOMOSPRIMOS, thank you so much for this work.

My name is Geneva Moya Sanchez. My family lines are Sanchez, Mireles, Chapa, and Dela Garza on my mothers side. These family trees are from Vallecillo and Sabinas Hidalgo, N.L. Someone mentioned that you and I have the same family lines, but I really did'nt pay attention, until a relative of mine said that you were related to him when he saw the Juan Bautista Chapa tree. Which Chapa is your ancestor? Do you have any Mireles or Sanchez in your tree also.

My Ancestor Maria Ursula Chapa ma.Jose Felix Mireles. Then I go all the way to Juan Bautista Chapa.
I know you must get hundreds of mail on these lines, but I had to write.

Thank you, hope to hear from you................
Geneva
gmsan@texas.net

§
Hi Mimi, always glad to hear from you. My husband , daughter and granddaughter  took a trip to Benson, Bisbee and Tombstone. We visited 7th Street in Benson, where my grandmother, grandfather, great grand mother and a cousin died in1905 from eating poison berries. We went to the Benson Historical Society saw a picture of my grandfather Jose Miguel Castaneda, the text said that he entertained the president of the United States at the Virginia Hotel etc. etc ..   We had fun, but it was very hot   .    Alice  DmcAlic 

   Somos Primos Staff:   

Mimi Lozano, Editor
John P. Schmal, 
Johanna de Soto, 
Howard Shorr
Armando Montes
Michael Stevens Perez
Luke Holtzman, 
     Layout and data entry

  Contributors:  

Min Alexander
Dan Arellano 
David Barrios
Eva Booher
Bruce Buonauro
Maria Luisa Caica
Irma Cantu 
Bill Carmena 
Jack Cowan, 
Angel Custodio Rebollo
Vivian Drake
Mickey Margot Garcia
George De La Garza 
Johanna De Soto
Hector Diaz 
George Gause
Henry Godines
Gloria Golden
Rosanne Gonzales-Hardy
Carlos Ray Gonzalez 
José Román González
      López
Ellen Griffith 
Lila Guzman, Ph.D.
Rick Guzman
Dennis Keesee Bermudez
Marciel Hart Wood
Michael Hardwick 
Lorraine Hernandez 
Zeke Hernandez
Jim Hicks
Win Holtzman 
Granville Hough, Ph.D. 
John Inclan 
Mike Jarvis,
Alex Loya, Ph.D. 
Mike Mathes, Ph.D. 
Algis Marciuska
D. Marquez
Ophelia Marquez
Carlos Martín Herrera de
        la Garza 
Eddie Martinez
JV Martinez, Ph.D.
Ana Maria McGuan
Ronnie Mendez
Michael Miller Topp
Lupe Dorinda Moreno
Geneva Moya Sanchez.
Raul Nava Villa 
Paul Newfield 
Rafael Ojeda
Carlos Olamendi
Rick Osuna
Roberto José Pérez
      Guadarrama
Willie Perez
Susie S. Porter
Joseph Puentes
Manuel.Quinones
Refugio Rochin, Ph.D 
Alfonso Rodriguez
Viola Rodriquez Sadler 
Roberta M. Rosa
Sonia M. Rosa,
Charles Sadler 
Benecio Samuel Sanchez,
Richard G. Santos,
John P. Schmal
A. Seguin
Howard Shorr 
Bob Smith
Carlos Manuel Valdés
Janete Vargas
J.D. Villarreal 
Victor Villarreal 
Stewart Von Rathjen 
SHHAR Board:  Bea Armenta Dever, Steven Hernandez,  Mimi Lozano Holtzman, Pat Lozano, Henry Marquez, Yolanda Ochoa Hussey, Michael Perez, Crispin Rendon, Viola Rodriguez Sadler, John P. Schmal

UNITED STATES

Hispanic Heritage Month resource: http://www.somosprimos.com/heritage.htm
National Museum of the American Latino in Washington, D.C.
Step 1, October 15, 2003: 108th Congress, H. R. 3292 
Step 2, May 21, 2004: Senator's Bill to Create National Study
Step 3, May 5, 2005: 109th Congress, H. B. 2134 
Latino Congressional Representation 
Spanish Echoes Increasing in US Congress
Nuestros Ranchos Podcast
Hispanics: Go for the Gold with a Good Education
Hispanic Media Turning to English
Mija's Magazine 
$7 million grant, strategies to help English language learners
Our Sad Neglect of Mexico
Youth Driving Hispanic Population Boom
Second National Head Start Hispanic Institute, Call for Abstracts
Major Waves' in Population 
Hispanics a Melding of Cultures
The 25 Most Influential Hispanics in America
Latinos In Information Sciences and Technology 
Minority Hiring in Science and Engineering Association (LISTA)

 

Don't Forget . . .  Hispanic Heritage Month, September 15th  to October 15th
for materials and resources go to http://www.somosprimos.heritage.htm




United States Capitol

 

Chronology. . . National Museum of the American Latino 

 

October 15, 2003,
Representative Xavier Becerra (D-CA) together with 28 co-sponsors, introduced the "Commission to Establish the National Museum of the American Latino Act of 2003" (H.R. 3292), legislation to establish a 23-member commission that would develop a plan of action for the creation of a national museum focusing on the history and contribution of the Latino
population in the United States. Included on the commission would be an individual with "experience in the study and teaching of Latino culture and history at the post-secondary level." The bill was referred to the House Resources Committee for consideration.

May 21, 2004,  U.S. Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT),  Barbara Boxer (D-CA), Kay Bailey Hutchinson (R-TX), and Jeff Bingaman (D-NM)  introduced bipartisan legislation to celebrate the culture of American Latinos by beginning the process of creating a National Museum of the American Latino.

May 5, 2005, Representative Xavier Becerra (D-CA) was joined by 70 co-sponsors, to establish the Commission to Study the Potential Creation of  a National Museum of the American Latino community to develop a plan of action for the establishment and maintenance of a National Museum of the American Latino Community in Washington, DC, and for other purposes.

Step One, October 15, 2003: 108th CONGRESS, 1st Session, H. R. 3292, 

To establish the Commission to Establish a National Museum of the American Latino to develop a plan of action for the establishment and maintenance of the National Museum of the American Latino in Washington, D.C., and for other purposes. 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

October 15, 2003 

Mr. BECERRA (for himself, Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN, Mr. RODRIGUEZ, Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida, Mr. ORTIZ, Mr. MARIO DIAZ-BALART of Florida, Mr. ACEVEDO-VILA, Mr. BACA, Mr. CARDOZA, Mr. CLYBURN, Mr. GONZALEZ, Mr. GRIJALVA, Mr. GUTIERREZ, Mr. HINOJOSA, Mr. HONDA, Mr. LARSON of Connecticut, Mr. LEWIS of Georgia, Mr. MATSUI, Mr. MENENDEZ, Mrs. NAPOLITANO, Mr. PASTOR, Mr. REYES, Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD, Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California, Ms. LORETTA SANCHEZ of California, Mr. SERRANO, Ms. SOLIS, Ms. VELAZQUEZ, and Mr. WU) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Resources, and in addition to the Committee on House Administration, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned 

A BILL 
To establish the Commission to Establish a National Museum of the American Latino to develop a plan of action for the establishment and maintenance of the National Museum of the American Latino in Washington, D.C., and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the `Commission to Establish the National Museum of the American Latino Act of 2003'. SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

Congress finds as follows: (1) American Latinos are an ethnically and racially diverse population. Still, whether known by the term `Hispanic' or `Latino,' or by the various national identities from which they obtain their ethnicity, American Latinos share a common heritage rooted in the mixture of the cultures of the indigenous peoples of the American continent, of the European colonizers from Spain, and of Africans who were brought to those colonies as slaves. (2) While the history of the United States formally dates from 1776, American civilization was already centuries old by then. Latinos were present on the continent for more than 200 years prior to the Declaration of Independence. Spanish colonists founded the first permanent settlement on future United States territory in St. Augustine, Florida in 1565. Indigenous nations that had thrived for centuries prior to the landing of Columbus would later mix with colonists of various ethnicities from Spain to create a third culture, one that continues to thrive in various forms throughout the Americas today. (3) Since before our Nation's founding, Latinos have come to this land searching for opportunity, prosperity, and chance. In this regard, not much has changed in over 3 centuries. Through every era of our Nation's history, whether in the fields of plenty or on the field of battle, a Latino presence was felt. Since before the early colonization of the west, Latinos have labored under the harsh sun to put food on America's tables. From the earliest days of American industry, Latinos have worked in our factories. Through every war and conflict, Latinos have served honorably and proudly next to their fellow Americans to defend the ideals of freedom, democracy, and liberty worldwide, earning countless awards for valor and sacrifice. (4) The history, art, politics, economy, and culture of the United States have been enriched since the Nation's founding by the influence of American Latinos and their traditions and innovations. Both native and foreign-born Latinos in the United States continue to make significant contributions to the arts and humanities, academia, and the popular culture that have benefited all Americans. (5) According to the Bureau of the Census, the population of American Latinos recently grew to become the largest demographic minority group in the country. As of July 2002, there were an estimated 38.8 million Latinos in the United States. One out of every three of these is under the age of 18, and four out of every 10 is under the age of 25. The youthfulness and rapid growth of this population ensure that American Latinos will have a substantial role in American life ranging from public policy to popular entertainment. Greater understanding of this role will benefit all of American society. (6) The American Latino population historically has been concentrated in certain regions of the United States. In the last several decades, however, there has been more dispersed growth of the community throughout the entire country. In the southern states other than Texas, most have seen the population of Latinos, primarily immigrants, double between the years 1990 and 2000, adding to the mixture of cultures already there as these individuals adapt to Southern life. (7) Despite the history and demography as well as the ongoing contributions that American Latinos make to the cultural life of the United States, there remains a great gap in the level and quality of awareness that other Americans possess about the rich and diverse character of Latino culture and history. Sometimes the lack of awareness manifests itself in the development of stereotypes or misconceptions about Latinos. Greater effort is needed at a national level to educate other Americans about Latinos, and to celebrate and disseminate information about Latino arts and history. Americans of all backgrounds benefit from greater understanding of the diversity that exists in the United States. (8) The Smithsonian Institution is the world's largest museum and research complex, with 16 museums in the District of Columbia and New York City. The Smithsonian Institution museums, especially those on the National Mall, play a unique and important role in educating visitors to the Nation's capital about our history, arts, and culture. The American people and international visitors recognize the Smithsonian Institution as the premier American museum, representing the vast diversity of cultural history of the United States. (9) After extensive dialogue, conferences, and collaboration among educators, scholars, and community leaders, as well as museums, universities, cultural, and public institutions, a task force appointed to examine the Smithsonian Institution's representation of American Latinos in its permanent exhibits and other public programs published `Willful Neglect: The Smithsonian Institution and U.S. Latinos' (May 1994) and `Toward a Shared Vision: U.S. Latinos and the Smithsonian Institution' (October 1997). The reports indicate that the Smithsonian historically had a poor record of representing Latinos. This criticism led to the creation of the Smithsonian's Center for Latino Initiatives in 1998. (10) The Center for Latino Initiatives has increased the profile of Latino arts and culture and should be commended for promoting diversity and understanding of American Latino culture by the Smithsonian's patrons. The Center's short history has shown that American Latino exhibits and programs are well received by the public and by the Latino community, which benefits from having some representation at the Smithsonian. Still, the level of representation at the Smithsonian of the Latino community is far from where it should be given American Latino history, demography, and contributions to the American cultural landscape. (11) For these reasons, it is necessary to establish a commission to draft a plan of action for creating a National Museum of the American Latino within the Smithsonian Institution, on or near the National Mall in Washington, D.C. SEC. 3. ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMISSION.

(a) IN GENERAL- There is established the Commission to Establish the National Museum of the American Latino (hereafter in this Act referred to as the `Commission'). (b) MEMBERSHIP- The Commission shall consist of 23 members appointed not later than 6 months after the date of the enactment of this Act as follows: (1) The President shall appoint 7 voting members. (2) The Speaker of the House of Representatives, the minority leader of the House of Representatives, the Majority Leader of the Senate, and the Minority Leader of the Senate shall each appoint 3 voting members. (3) In addition to the members appointed under paragraph (2), the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the minority leader of the House of Representatives, the Majority Leader of the Senate, and the Minority Leader of the Senate shall each appoint 1 nonvoting member. (c) QUALIFICATIONS- Members of the Commission shall be chosen from among individuals, or representatives of institutions or entities, who possess either-- (1) a demonstrated commitment to the research, study, or promotion of American Latino life, art, history, political or economic status, or culture, together with-- (A) expertise in museum administration; (B) expertise in fundraising for nonprofit or cultural institutions; (C) experience in the study and teaching of Latino culture and history at the post-secondary level; (D) experience in studying the issue of the Smithsonian Institution's representation of American Latino art, life, history, and culture; or (E) extensive experience in public or elected service; or (2) experience in the administration of, or the planning for the establishment of, museums devoted to the study and promotion of the role of ethnic, racial, or cultural groups in American history. SEC. 4. FUNCTIONS OF THE COMMISSION.

(a) PLAN OF ACTION FOR ESTABLISHMENT AND MAINTENANCE OF MUSEUM- The Commission shall submit a report to the President and the Congress containing its recommendations with respect to a plan of action for the establishment and maintenance of the National Museum of the American Latino in Washington, D.C. (hereafter in this Act referred to as the `Museum'). (b) FUNDRAISING PLAN- The Commission shall develop a fundraising plan for supporting the creation and maintenance of the Museum through contributions by the American people, and a separate plan on fundraising by the American Latino community. (c) REPORT ON ISSUES- The Commission shall examine (in consultation with the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution), and submit a report to the President and the Congress on, the following issues: (1) The availability and cost of collections to be acquired and housed in the Museum. (2) The impact of the Museum on regional Hispanic- and Latino-related museums. (3) Possible locations for the Museum on or adjacent to the National Mall in Washington, D.C., to be considered in consultation with the National Capital Planning Commission. (4) Whether the Museum should be located within the Smithsonian Institution. (5) The governance and organizational structure from which the museum should operate. (6) How to engage the American Latino community in the development and design of the Museum. (d) LEGISLATION TO CARRY OUT PLAN OF ACTION- Based on the recommendations contained in the report submitted under subsection (a) and the report submitted under subsection (c), the Commission shall submit for consideration to the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the House of Representatives, the Committee on House Administration of the House of Representatives, the Committee on Resources of the House of Representatives, the Committee on Rules and Administration of the Senate, and the Committees on Appropriations of the House of Representatives and Senate a legislative plan of action to create and construct the Museum. (e) NATIONAL CONFERENCE- In carrying out its functions under this section, the commission shall convene a national conference on the Museum, comprised of individuals committed to the advancement of American Latino life, art, history, and culture, not later than 9 months after the date of the enactment of this Act. SEC. 5. ADMINISTRATIVE PROVISIONS.

(a) FACILITIES AND SUPPORT OF SECRETARY OF INTERIOR- The Secretary of the Interior shall provide the administrative services, facilities, and funds necessary for the performance of the Commission's functions. (b) COMPENSATION- Each member of the Commission who is not an officer or employee of the Federal government may receive compensation for each day on which the member is engaged in the work of the Commission, at a daily rate to be determined by the Secretary of the Interior. (c) TRAVEL EXPENSES- Each member shall receive travel expenses, including per diem in lieu of subsistence, in accordance with applicable provisions under subchapter I of chapter 57 of title 5, United States Code. SEC. 6. DEADLINE FOR SUBMISSION OF REPORTS; TERMINATION.

(a) DEADLINE- The Commission shall submit final versions of the reports and plans required under section 4 not later than 18 months after the date of the enactment of this Act. (b) TERMINATION- The Commission shall terminate not later than 30 days after submitting the final versions of reports and plans pursuant to subsection (a). SEC. 7. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.

There are authorized to be appropriated for carrying out the activities of the Commission $2,100,000 for fiscal year 2005 and $1,100,000 for fiscal year 2006. END

Source: Orator.com http://media29.fastclick.net/w/safepop.cgi?mid=74414&sid=19219&id=  109008&len=115&c=24&nfcp=1&fp=2


Step Two, May 21, 2004: Senators Introduce Bill to Create National Museum of the American Latino in Washington D.C.  

WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT),  Barbara Boxer (D-CA), Kay Bailey Hutchinson (R-TX), and Jeff Bingaman (D-NM) yesterday introduced bipartisan legislation to celebrate the culture of American Latinos by beginning the process of creating a National Museum of the American Latino.

The Senators’ legislation would create a national commission to study and plan for the development of a National Museum of the American Latino as part of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C.  

Boxer said, “Throughout our Nation’s history, Latinos have enriched our culture, contributed to our economy, and served honorably next to their fellow Americans in times of war.  It is long past time to fully recognize and celebrate the Latino community as part of our diverse history.”

After extensive collaboration among educators, scholars, and community leaders as well as museums, universities, and public institutions, a task force determined that the Smith-sonian had a poor record of representing Latinos in its permanent exhibits and other public programs. This criticism led to the creation of the Smith-sonian’s Center for Latino Initiatives in 1998.

The Center for Latino Initiatives has been well received by the American Latino community and the general public, and has increased the profile of Latino arts and culture.  Still, the level of representation of the Latino community at the Smithsonian is far from where it should be.

With more than 38 million Latinos in the United States, Latinos now make up the largest minority group in the country.  The size, youth, and growth of this population indicate that American Latinos will continue play a critical role in every aspect of American life.

Boxer said, “From families with Puerto Rican and Dominican origins in New York, to those with Cuban blood in Miami, to the giant Mexican American and Central American community in California, American Latinos share a host of common values and similar experiences. A National Museum of the American Latino would help the larger American family celebrate this community’s  history and diversity.”

Representative Xavier Becerra and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus have sponsored the companion legislation in the House, H.R. 3292.

Representative Becerra said, “I am elated that this bill has earned such strong bipartisan support in both houses of Congress and am so very grateful for the leadership Senators Bingaman, Boxer, Hatch and Hutchison have shown in introducing this important legislation. Our shared goal is to provide visitors to the museums in Washington, D.C., with a more complete picture of our collective history and culture so that the American mosaic portrayed in the nation’s capital more truly reflects who we are, and who we are becoming. With this legislation’s latest progression, we are getting closer and closer to making that dream, and this museum, a reality.”

Source: Senators Introduce Bill to Create National Museum of the American Latino in Washington D.C  http://www.laprensa-sandiego.org/archieve/may21-04/museum.htm

Step Three, May 5, 2005: 109th Congress 
1st Session, H.B. 2134 


To read the text of H.R. 2134 go to: 
http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c109:H.R.2134.IH

Please contact your Representatives and Senators expressing your support to this bi-partisan vision.  http://www.info.gov/phone.htm

 

 


LATINO CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTATION

1960-2005
by 
John P. Schmal


Hispanic Representation Up To 1960
With the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Voting Rights Act, we are reminded that Latino Americans and African Americans have endured a long and difficult struggle to obtain fair political representation in the U.S. Congress. 

Before the signing of that Act, such representation was rarely achieved. Because of the illegal methods utilized to limit minority participation in the political process, Latino representation to the U.S. Congress from the contiguous forty-eight states had rarely been achieved before 1960 and, in fact, did not improve significantly until after the Voting Rights Act of 1965. 

From 1900 to 1960, seventeen Hispanic Americans served in Congress. However, nine of these representatives were Resident Commissioners of Puerto Rico, who did not have voting privileges. Seven more delegates represented New Mexico. Not until 1936, did the first American-born Latino serve a full term in the U.S. Senate. Dennis Chávez, a Democrat, represented his New Mexico constituency for 27 years until his death in 1962. 

The Tide Changes in California
By 1960, the number of Hispanics living in the United States had reached 6.9 million, which represented roughly 3.9% of the total population of the country. However, while the Hispanic population of most American states, was still relatively small, California was a different story. In 1960, California had a total population of 15,717,204 persons. This new figure increased California's representation in the U.S. Congress from 30 seats in 1950 to 38 seats. Roughly 1.5 million Hispanics made up more than 9% of the California population, but 20% of these Hispanics were foreign-born, many of who were not naturalized and, as a result, were not eligible to vote. As a result, none of California's 38 seats in Congress was held by a Chicano representative.

As the new decade commenced, there were still no Chicanos in the California State Senate, the Assembly or in the California Congressional delegation. There was no representation of the Mexican-American population in any part of California, primarily because of political fracturing of Chicano communities. In the early 1960s, the Chicano community of East Los Angeles was fractured into six separate Congressional districts and, before 1962 none of these districts sent a person with a Spanish surname to the House of Representatives.

However, the redistricting that took place in 1961 did create a Congressional district, which would pave a way for Edward Roybal to run for Congress. The newly created district included Boyle Heights and Downtown Los Angeles, which were already part of the district he represented in the Los Angeles City Council. The district also included parts of Hollywood, the Wilshire District and southwest Los Angeles to Exposition Boulevard. The 30th District's 179,737 registered voters were a healthy mix of Anglos, African Americans and Mexican Americans. After completing a survey of the district, Roybal decided to run for the seat.

In the June 1962 Primary Election, Roybal defeated Loyola University Professor William Fitzgerald and three other candidates to win the Democratic nomination for the 30th Congressional District. In November, he defeated the Republican candidate for the 30th District, Gordon McDonough, by procuring 57% of the vote.

In the November 6, 1962 General Election, Roybal defeated Loyola University Professor William Fitzgerald and thus became the first Hispanic from California to be elected to Congress since the 1879 election of Romualdo Pacheco to California's 4th Congressional District.

Edward Roybal took his seat in the House of Representatives on January 3, 1963 at the start of the 88th U.S. Congress. He would serve for twenty years from the 88th Congress to the 102nd Congress, retiring on January 3, 1993. From 1963 to 1975, Representative Roybal represented the 30th District. From 1975 to 1993, he served in the 25th District. 

Texas Representation
Up to 1960, Congressional redistricting and reapportionment in the State of Texas had been very unfavorable to Tejano and African-American representation. In 1965, a Federal Court held Texas' Congressional Districting act to be unconstitutional and stated that the Texas Legislature must redraw the Texas Congressional Districts in compliance with Wesberry v. Sanders. This would set the stage for a new era of Tejano representation to Congress.

Henry B. González
In 1958, Texas State Senator Henry B. Gonzáles (1916-2000), a native of San Antonio, had ran for the office of Governor in the Democratic primary, but lost. However, in 1961, Congressman Paul Kilday, a Democrat, was appointed to the federal bench by President John F. Kennedy. This left his congressional seat with the 20th District vacant. In 1961, Henry B. González was elected in a special election to fill this position and won by a margin of 10,000 votes, becoming the first Mexican-American representative to the U.S. Congress from Texas since statehood.

In his subsequent reelection bids, Congressman González faced very little opposition, usually winning at least eighty percent of the vote and running unopposed a number of times for his Bexar County district. Although he supported and initiated legislation for the welfare of Hispanic Americans, González avoided running on a Chicano platform. He served as a Congressional Representative from 1961 to 1999 (the 87th to the 105th Congresses).

With the ratification of the 24th Amendment on January 23, 1964, the U.S. Congress helped to bring an end to the Texas poll tax, which had been adopted early in the century. Stating that the right of citizens to vote "shall not be denied or abridged… by reason of failure to pay any poll tax," the Amendment laid the legal foundation for ending the tax. For two more years, the poll tax was still charged in Texas state and local elections. 

For this reason, different ballots had to be provided for voters qualified for all elections and for those voting only in federal elections. But, early in 1966, the Supreme Court held Virginia's poll tax to be unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment. This ruling judicially invalidated the poll tax for all state and local elections.

The signing of the "Voting Rights Act of 1965" by President Johnson in 1965 took steps to eliminate any "standard, practice, or procedure," including redistricting plans, which resulted in "denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color." On a Federal Level, this Act made illegal the Texas redistricting policies of recent decades.

Kika de la Garza
After serving six consecutive terms as a representative in Austin, Eligio "Kika" de la Garza (born 1927) was elected in 1964 to the U.S. House of Representatives to represent Texas' 15th Congressional District, which primarily included McAllen and Edinburg (Hidalgo County) and Kingsville (Kleberg County). 

When the 89th Congress convened in 1965, Representative de la Garza took his seat as a Democrat, effectively ending a thirteen-year career in the Texas House of Representatives. Kika would served in Congress from January 3, 1965 until the January 3, 1997 (the 89th to 104th Congresses).

Manuel Luján, Jr.
Manuel Lujan, Jr. (born 1928) was a member of a prominent and politically active family in New Mexico. A native of San Ildefonso, Luján attended in college in Santa Fe and, after spending some time in his family's insurance business, began his political career. In 1968, Luján was elected as a Republican candidate to the U.S. House of Representatives from New Mexico's First District. He would serve his state in the Congress for two decades through the 91st to 100th Congresses (January 3, 1969 to January 3, 1989).

A New Decade (the 1970s)
The 1970s represented new opportunities for Chicano candidates. The beginning of true Hispanic representation would be established during these years. In 1970, California had a total population of 19,971,069 persons. Of this total, 2,369,292 were Hispanics, who made up 10.8% of the state's total population. 

Of the 2.4 million Hispanics living in California, 490,892 were foreign-born, making up 22.9% of the total Hispanic population. A significant number of the foreign-born residents had never been naturalized and were therefore ineligible for American voting privileges. This represented a significant stumbling block in electing Chicanos to Congress. As a result, Edward Roybal represented the only Chicano sitting among the 43 California Representatives in Congress after the 1971 reapportionment.

In 1970, Texas had only two representatives: Henry B. González represented Bexar County's 20th District, while Kika de la Garza represented the 15th District of the southern border area. Puerto Rico was represented by Resident Commissioner Jorge Luis Córdova Díaz, who served during the 91st and 92nd Congresses (January 3, 1969 to January 3, 1973). 

In New Mexico, Manuel Luján, Jr. served as Representative of the First District, while Joseph Manuel Montoya served in the U.S. Senate. Senator Montoya would continue to serve his state as Senator from the 87th to 91st Congresses (November 3, 1964 to January 3, 1977).

During the 1970s, New York elected its first Hispanic Representative. In 1971, Herman Badillo (born 1929) became the first Congressman born in Puerto Rico to represent a district in the continental United States. A native of Caguas, Puerto Rico, Badillo had come to New York City when he was eleven years old and earned a B.A. degree from City College of New York. 

In 1970 Badillo was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from New York's 21st District in the South Bronx. He won with eighty-four percent of the vote and was reelected to the three succeeding Congresses, each time with an impressive percentage of the vote. Congressman Badillo would serve as Representative for his district from the 92nd to 95th Congresses (January 3, 1971 to December 31, 1977).

In 1979, sixteen years after Edward Roybal had first entered the Congress, a second Hispanic representative was elected to represent his constituency in the House of Representatives. Anthony Lee Coelho (born 1942), a native of Merced County, had earned a B.A. degree from Loyola University in Los Angeles. 

In 1979, Coelho was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from California's 15th District. In his first general election he received sixty percent of the vote and was subsequently reelected five times. Coelho's career would last more than a decade from January 3, 1979 until his resignation on June 15, 1989.

The 1980s
According to the 1980 census, Hispanic Americans increased their numbers to 14,608,673 persons at the turn of the decade and now represented 6.4% of the national population. Even as their numbers began to increase, however, their political representation in the subsequent years would see only small strides.

In Texas, the Hispanic population now reached 2,985,824, representing 21% of the total state population of 14,225,513. But even with these significant demographic changes of recent decades, only two of Texas' 24 Representative seats in Congress were occupied by Tejanos: Henry B González and Kika de la Garza. 

With the 1981 reapportionment, the number of Texas Representatives to Congress would increase to 27. So, although Tejanos had grown to represent 21% of the Texas state population, their two Congressmen represented only 7.4% of Texas' delegation to Washington, D.C.

Puerto Rico was represented in Congress by Resident Commissioner Baltasar Corrada del Río (born 1935), who would continue to serve in that capacity from the 95th through the 98th Congresses (January 3, 1977 to January 3, 1985). In New Mexico, with the end of Senator Joseph Manuel Montoya's Senate career, Manuel Luján, Jr. served as the sole Hispanic representative of the people of that state.

In New York State, Representative Badillo had resigned in 1978 to become Deputy Mayor of New York City. A special election to fill his position brought Robert Garcia (born 1933), a Bronx native, to Congress. A Korean War veteran, Garcia had become the first Puerto Rican elected to the New York Senate in 1966. Garcia won his first election with fifty-five percent of the vote and would win reelection with high percentages of the vote in his next six elections. He would serve his constituency from the 95th to the 101st Congresses (February 14, 1978 to January 7, 1990).

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC)
In 1976, Congressmen Herman Badillo (NY), Baltasar Corrada (PR), Kika de la Garza (TX), Henry B. Gonzalez (TX) and Edward Roybal (CA) joined forces to create the Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC). Through this organization, the founders hoped to monitor legislative actions affecting the Latino population and to bring a greater awareness to Latino Americans of the operations and functions of the American political system. In October 1981, the CHC became a non-profit, fund-raising organization known by a new name: the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute, Inc. (CHCI).

In 1985 the Board of Directors of the CHCI was expanded to include influential Hispanic business people from the private sector and community leaders from across the country who, in conjunction with the Hispanic Members of Congress, were able to bring policy-related knowledge and experience from the local, state, and national levels to the Institute. This coalition of business and political resources created programs that were designed to offer leadership development training for talented young Hispanics.

Redistricting in California (1981)
In California, the Chicano population numbered 4,544,331 individuals and now represented 19.2% of the total population of 23,667,902. In spite of these steadily increasing numbers, California's forty-three seats in the House of Representatives were occupied by only two Hispanics: Edward R. Roybal and Anthony Lee Coelho. 

The effect of California's rapid population growth finally yielded results for the Chicano population in 1982 elections. After the reapportionment of 1981, California qualified for the addition of two more Congressional seats by virtue of the returns from the 1980 census schedules. With the addition of two new "open" districts, California's delegation to Congress increased to 45 seats. In addition, the restructuring of other districts and the retirement of one Congressman opened up the possibility of bringing several new Chicano Representatives to Washington, D.C.

With Richard Alatorre as the head of the Assembly Committee with the task of drawing the new district lines, the Latino community seemed assured of at least one more congressional position. As it turned out, the reapportionment paved the way for two more Chicano Congressman to take their seats in Washington.

The 30th Congressional District, represented by Democrat George Danielson for most of the last decade, was molded into a new district that encompassed El Monte, Alhambra, Monterey Park, San Gabriel, Montebello, Maywood and Cudahy. 53-year-old Matthew "Marty" Martinez, serving in the California State Assembly from Monterey Park, won this seat in the November General Election.

At the same time, the 34th Congressional District of California, encompassing Norwalk, West Covina, Pico Rivera, La Puente and South El Monte, was won by Esteban Torres of La Puente, a former White House official in the Jimmy Carter administration. Both Representatives Martinez and Torres joined longtime U.S. Rep. Edward Roybal (D-Los Angeles) and Representative Coelho, bringing an increase of California's Chicano Congressional delegation to four individuals.

Texas
For Texas, the number of seats in the House of Representatives was increased from 24 to 27 with the next reapportionment. The primary beneficiary of this increase was Solomon P. Ortiz (born 1938), a native of Corpus Christi, who came to Congress representing the Texas 27th District in 1983. Ortiz was followed two years later by Albert G. Bustamante, a Democrat representing the 23rd District.

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
The 1980s were notable for the election of Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (born 1952) who became the first Hispanic woman elected to Congress. A native of Havana, Cuba, Ileana had immigrated to the United States when she was seven years old. Educated in Florida, Ros-Lehtinen began her political career in 1982 when she was elected to the Florida House of Representatives, becoming the first Hispanic woman elected to Florida's State legislature. She served until 1986, when she became a State Senator. Then, in 1989, Ros-Lehtinen was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in a special election to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Claude D. Pepper. 

Representative Ros-Lehtinen represented Florida's 18th District where, according to the 1990 census, sixty-seven percent of the population was Hispanic. Ros-Lehtinen was the first Hispanic elected to represent Florida in 166 years and she had the distinction of also being the first Cuban-American and the first Latino woman to serve in the United States Congress.

The 1990s
From the 101st Congress in 1990 to the 105th Congress in 1999, the representation of Latinos in Congress increased from 11 to 19. The increase in political representation, which was also manifested in several state legislatures, took place as qualified Latino candidates stepped forward to run for offices in states where they had previously held little or no political power. In most cases, these candidates won elections by developing coalitions that crossed ethnic and racial lines.

The first Latino Representative from the State of Illinois, Luis Gutiérrez, was elected as the Representative of Chicago's Fourth District in the General Election of 1992. A native of Chicago, Representative Gutiérrez has worked as a teacher, social worker and alderman on the Chicago City Council before his election to the One Hundred and Ninth Congress. 

In New Jersey, Robert Menéndez, a native of New York City and the son of Cuban immigrants, was elected as the Representative from Union City, New Jersey. At a young age, he had moved to Union City, where he served as a member of the Board of Education and as Mayor. He also served in the New Jersey State General Assembly and in the New Jersey Senate before his 1992 election to Congress.

Latino Representation in the New Millennium
On November 7, 2000, the first General Election of the New Millennium took place. Before the election, nineteen Congressional Representatives served from seven states: California (6 Representatives), Texas (6), New York (2), Florida (2), Arizona (1), Illinois (1) and New Jersey (1). Fifteen of the nineteen Representatives were Democrats, while four were Republicans.

However, by the time the votes had been tallied up from the General Election, it became apparent that Latino representation in Congress would remain at 19, with no significant gains by the group.

After the November 5, 2002 General Election, Latino representation in Congress would increase from 19 to 22. Although Hispanic representation in Congress would remain confined to seven states, those states saw an increase in Latino representation: California (7 representatives), Texas (6), Florida (3), Arizona (2), New York (2), Illinois (1) and New Jersey (1).

The Election of November 2004
The Election of November 2, 2004 represented a watershed in Latino political representation, as it brought two Hispanic Senators into that house of Congress, which had not seen a Latino in its chambers since Joseph Montoya had left office in 1977.

A fifth-generation Coloradan, Ken Salazar had served as Colorado's Attorney General for six years before running for the office of Senator. In the General Election of 2004, Salazar, who came from a long line of farmers in the San Luis Valley, was elected to serve as Senator of Colorado's 3rd Congressional District. At the same time, his brother John Salazar, became Colorado's first Latino to serve in the House of Representatives.

At the same time, Mel Martinez, formerly the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, was elected to serve as the first Latino U.S. Senator from the State of Florida. Ironically, New Mexico, which had been represented in Congress by Latinos frequently between 1853 and 1997, had no Hispanic representation in either the Senate or the House. In both California and Texas, all of the incumbents had held onto their seats.

Overall, Latino representation in the U.S. Congress reached its highest point in history, with the following numbers:
§ Arizona (2 Representatives)
§ California (7 Representatives)
§ Colorado (1 Senator, 1 Representative)
§ Florida (1 Senator, 3 Representatives)
§ Illinois (1 Representative)
§ New Jersey (1 Representative)
§ New York (2 Representatives)
§ Texas (6 Representatives)

The victories of the incumbents and challengers brought the representation of Latinos to 25 at the start of 2005, a significant jump from the six Representatives who were serving twenty-five years earlier.

 

 

Spanish Echoes Increasing in US Congress
by Antonio Rodriguez
Hispanic Business, July 18, 2005 http://www.hispanicbusiness.com

It has not yet replaced English, but increasingly, Spanish is becoming a requirement to work in the halls and make laws on the floor of the US Congress. 

With a few prominent senators daring to address their colleagues in Spanish, others taking Spanish lessons, and many more legislators adding Spanish speakers to their communications teams, the language spoken by the largest minority group in the United States has a solid foothold in the halls of power here. 

Spanish has become so important that the Republican leader in the Senate, Bill Frist, who has presidential aspirations, began studying Spanish and dared to record in Spanish a political statement on the contentious Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), in his unmistakable Tennessee accent. 

"Many politicians are studying Spanish. It is a phenomenom that reflects the demographic, cultural and political reality of the country," said Michael Shifter of Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington-based research institute. 

"The trend of speaking Spanish will increase over the next few years," not only inside Congress but also in public, Shifter said. 

Shifter jokes that "Soon no one will speak English in Congress." 

But no one jokes about accommodating the increasing political weight of US Latinos, whose votes have become a key to political success in recent years. 

The spread of Spanish inside the buildings of Congress has been going on for five or six years, said Fabiola Rodriguez, director for Spanish media in the office of Senate minority leader Harry Reid. 

Rodriguez, whose post was created at the beginning of this year, said the embrace of Spanish follows the sharp growth of the US Latino population and of Spanish-language media. Spanish language newspapers have tripled their 
circulation since 1990, she noted. 

"The politicians have come to understand that there is a void, and that they have to give information in the preferred idiom of many Hispanics," said Rodriguez. 

Alejandro Burgos, who has been responsible for Spanish language communications for the Republican Party for just over a year, said "the future of our party depends in a great part on our skill in attracting more Hispanics." 

Latino support was important to the success of President George W. Bush in the 2004 election, Burgos said. Bush received between 35 percent and 45 percent of the Hispanic vote, and Burgos does not conceal his determination to increase that share. 

"We aim to expand the audience receiving our Republican message, with the goal of increasing our support" among Hispanics, Burgos said. 

Like Frist, a number of legislators like Democrats Hillary Clinton and John Kerry have hired bilingual communications assistants, producing more official communications in Spanish and holding bilingual press conferences inside Congress. 

Spanish has made its way onto the floors of the Senate and House of Representatives, where the many elected Latinos speak among themselves in their original language. 

More boldly, in February, Florida Republican Mel Martinez spoke on the Senate floor in Spanish to support the candidacy of Alberto Gonzalez as US attorney general. 

And more recently, Colorado Democrat Ken Salazar used Spanish to justify his opposition to CAFTA. "I like to speak Spanish," Salazar explained, saying he is proud of the language of his ancestors. Shrugging off the public criticisms Martinez reaped for not limiting his speeches to English, Salazar said he was determined to continue Spanish oration. 

"Up until now I have not been told to shut my mouth," he said.  "They can't tell me not to speak for at least five and a half years," referring to the next election for his seat. "I can say anything that I want to, in the language I want to," he said. 

 

Nuestros Ranchos Podcast
Interviews with both the Scholar and Those in the Trenches

Joseph Puentes

 


Introducing my first interview in what I hope to be a long series. My first choice was to interview Mimi Lozano and I'm glad to say that interview is now available. 

I'm starting a series of FREE podcast interviews on the subject of Hispanic/Native American Genealogy and History. I hope to produce at least one interview per month in the 30-45 minute time range. If you are new to Podcasting I would suggest the following web site: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Podcasting. Some might think this is highly technical but it isn't and all you have to do is work through a few steps to do it right. What follows are 3 ways to listen to these interviews.

#1 Best Way, but slightly technical - Subscribe to Nuestros Ranchos

1) Subscribe to the Nuestros Ranchos Podcast series by:
   a) downloading one of the following free Aggragator software programs off the net:
   Doppler [http://www.dopplerradio.net];
   iPodderX [http://ipodderx.com/];
   iPodder [http://ipodder.sourceforge.net/index.php];
   iTunes [http://www.apple.com/itunes/download/].
   b) after downloading the software insert this feed in the "Add Feed" area: http://NuestrosRanchos.podlot.com/
   c) click on "retrieve" and all podcasts I have available will automatically be downloaded to your computer.
   d) listen to them from your PC or upload them to your .mp3 players and listen to them at your leisure.

#2 Okay Way, less technical - Download Directly
   a) go to http://NuestrosRanchos.net/
   b) look for the listed podcasts
   c) once you've found an interview of interest "right click" on it.
   d) choose a folder where you want it saved
   e) select "Save Link Target As" and the file will be downloaded to your computer
   f) listen on your PC or upload to an .mp3 player and listen to them at your leisure

#3 Another Way, easiest way - Listen Directly from Internet
   a) go to http://NuestrosRanchos.net/
   b) click on the URL for specific interview
   c) listen then and there from the internet

After you see the value of Podcasting I would encourage you to follow my lead and start your own Podcast. There is room here for 1000 others to begin their own informational series of podcasts on Hispanic Genealogy or on whatever subject you feel would uplift the community.

Thank much,

Joseph Puentes
LaFamilia@NuestrosRanchos.net

 [[ Editor: This was a fun interview.  Joseph did a great job as an interviewer, keeping me on track and editing those oops out of the interview.  The concept of podcasts certainly opens creative doors.]]



Hispanics: Go for the Gold with a Good Education

http://www.scholarshipsforhispanics.org
The National Education Association  Continually updated.


Excerpt: Hispanic Media Turning to English
by Leon Lazaroff
Hispanic Business, August 5, 2005

Eager to reach younger and more affluent U.S. Hispanics, advertisers, publishers and cable television networks are discovering it is best to speak to them in their own language--English. 

Spanish may be the dominant language of Latinos, the fastest-growing ethnic group in the country. However, for bilingual, better-educated young Hispanics, English increasingly is the media language of choice. 

In response, a new crop of English-language television networks, radio stations and magazines have emerged to offer fresh choices to "acculturated" Latinos, those who maintain their Latin roots but identify closely with the American mainstream. 

"Marketers have long been frustrated that there aren't enough media channels to reach bilingual, bicultural Hispanics," said Erika Prosper, strategy director at Garcia 360Communications, an agency based in San Antonio. "It makes sense that when you look at your total Hispanic marketing plan that not 100 percent goes into Spanish-language media." 

Mija's Magazine

"It's not just a magazine, it's a movement"  If Latinas feel that they don’t matter now; Mija Magazine will give them uncountable reasons to sway such crazy thinking. 

  Mija's focal point is; to endorse and empower all Latinas that are looking to showcase themselves artistically  in the arts, enlighten Latinas on concerns and problems that affect our community, represent different Latina  communities; with NO discrimination, and to establish a network between all other Latina/o ran websites, colleges, businesses, companies and organizations.  

  “We being Latina/o ran websites have a whole world to reach out to. Yes, we may have different missions, but we do have the same purpose and by networking/collaborating on various projects; we can accomplish this mission! If we do not work together to promote ourselves …then who will?”  
                                                                                                                                          Sinceramente, Roberta M. Rosa                                                                                 CEO/Founder, Mija Magazine 
http://www.mijamagazine.com
Sent by Lupe Dorinda Moreno dorindamoreno@comcast.net 


Extract: $7 million grant clears way for creation of national center for English language learners

http://www.texasreading.org/utcrla/news/2005-05/ell.asp
Sent by Viola Sadler vrsadler@aol.com

A team of researchers from the Vaughn Gross Center and five other institutions across the country has won federal funding to ease the unique - and largely misunderstood - challenges faced by English language learners in grades 4 through 8.

The U.S. Department of Education's Institute of Education Sciences has awarded more than $7 million in a five-year grant to establish the National Research and Development Center on English Language Learners, which will bring scientific research and expertise to strengthen an anemic knowledge base for a skyrocketing student population.

"This just hasn't been done at this level," said Sylvia Linan-Thompson, a Vaughn Gross Center for Reading and Language Arts researcher who will serve as associate director of the project. 

According to federal statistics, 4.5 million English language learners currently are enrolled in U.S. public schools, an increase of more than 30 percent over the 1997-1998 school year. Yet several studies have revealed that as a group, English language learners do not excel academically. In their winning grant proposal, the researchers point out that for the 2001-2002 school year, only 18.7 percent of English language learners met state reading comprehension norms in the 41 states that report such statistics.

The researchers trace the reasons for the gap between English language learners and their peers to several educational failures, including teacher preparation that does not match student needs. When teachers are not armed with appropriate instructional knowledge or do not possess alternate language proficiency, English language learners must struggle through conceptually advanced texts in a language they have not yet mastered - with too few or ineffective adaptations made.
Once they fall behind, they rarely catch up.

"The reality is that in most states, the instruction for older English language learners is delivered completely in English," Linan-Thompson said.

The researchers will focus on vocabulary and comprehension strategy instruction using science and social studies text for English language learners in grades 4 through 8. Beginning this fall, the team will develop and test varying interventions in Texas and Maryland schools, disseminate the findings, and provide professional development training for teachers in the methods proven to be effective.
Specifically, the goals of the study are to:

Integrate vocabulary and English as a second language strategies into interventions to enhance comprehension strategy instruction. Determine the added value of strategies for English as a second language instruction and of vocabulary enhancement in the Teacher Directed Strategy Instruction intervention. 

Examine the efficacy of two interventions that vary in the method of delivery. 
Identify and describe the response to the interventions by students with differing levels of English proficiency. The team wants to close the gap between English language learners and their peers in academic achievement, but to do so, they first must close the gap in research.

"Let's systematically study the variables that we think affect learning with English language learners; let's determine their effect," Linan-Thompson said. "This work can have a great impact."



Our Sad Neglect of Mexico
By Marcela Sanchez, http://www.washingtonpost.com
Sent by John Inclan fromGalveston@yahoo.com


Whether you believe Mexican immigrants help or hurt the United States, there is one truth you have to accept: Work here pays much, much better. A low-skill Mexican worker earns five to six times as much in this country as back home, assuming he or she could find a comparable job there.

This truth is so obvious it seems a cliche and yet it remains mostly absent from the debate on how to reform U.S. immigration. For all the talk around the country of border enforcement, guest-worker programs, employer sanctions and driver's license restrictions, the sad fact is that none of these "solutions" addresses the root of the problem: a persistent and large income disparity between the United States and Mexico.

Even the most comprehensive and progressive immigration reform proposal in years, introduced this month by Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.), is more concerned with making U.S. immigration policy more humane than dealing with this income disparity. The bill crafts a guest-worker program -- creating new visa categories and quotas and a secure identification system for employers -- but provides only a vague indication that income disparity might be a problem or a responsibility to take on.

Why such reluctance? How can a proposal that purports to reduce the flow of illegal Mexican workers to the United States not take a stab at the root cause? Won't better conditions for immigrant workers here only be an invitation for more illegal migrants from Mexico, as the argument goes, as long as wage disparity remains unaddressed?

To alter income disparity, it is obvious that Mexico must reduce its development gap and raise incomes. What is just as apparent is that Americans do not feel, at least at the moment, that they have a responsibility or even an interest in reducing that gap through investments of money and expertise. They don't feel the same obligation they once felt, say, after World War II for Europe, or that the European Union took on when it bolstered its poorest members. Mexico and the United States may share a 2,000-mile border, but their sense of a shared future runs about two inches deep.

There is a strong sense in this country that Mexico's problems are of its own making, and must be solved by Mexico. That is why former Bush official Richard A. Falkenrath and others say a significant infusion of U.S. aid into Mexico is a "nonstarter." Indeed, Mexico desperately needs to collect more taxes and reform its energy sector and labor laws -- healing itself by removing structural constraints that make it more a Third World nation than the economic powerhouse it could become.

The North American Free Trade Agreement, signed more than 10 years ago by Canada, Mexico and the United States, was supposed to generate more jobs in Mexico, raise salaries and reduce people's incentive to emigrate. That proved to be wishful thinking. In fact, NAFTA has not generated the number of new jobs predicted, nor has it alleviated rural poverty in many areas of Mexico. That would require, according to an upcoming report on NAFTA by the Institute for International Economics, "a sustained period of strong growth and substantial income transfers to poorer states."

There are some in this country, a minority to be sure, who say Washington must get involved more directly. Otherwise, they argue, Mexico won't be able to reduce disparities for at least another hundred years. Among them is Robert Pastor, a former Carter administration official who has tirelessly argued for a North American Investment Fund. Pastor cites a 2000 World Bank estimate that Mexico would need $20 billion per year for a decade in essential infrastructure and educational projects to reduce that 100 years to 10.

Pastor is under no illusions that such a fund will be created any time soon. Certainly the Bush administration is not talking about any such ideas within the recently launched Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America, the latest ambitiously named project that won't even touch on immigration, although immigration is directly connected to security and prosperity.

The administration and Congress are under little pressure to deepen the U.S. commitment to Mexico, not when the public is increasingly fearful of and resentful toward immigrants, particularly Mexicans. But if anything, such sentiments prolong illegal immigration in the sense that they distract citizens and leaders alike into thinking that if you put up enough barriers, Mexicans will go away.  desdewash@washpost.com

 

Youth Driving Hispanic Population Boom
http://email.hbinc.com/n.asp?n=23151

Between 1990 and 2003, the Hispanic population grew 78 percent - more than four times faster than the national growth rate. Today, Hispanics make up the largest ethnic minority in the United States, numbering 39.9 million.

http://email.hbinc.com/n.asp?n=23288 South Leads US in Fastest Hispanic Growth
The geographic dispersion of the U.S. Hispanic population continues. States with small Hispanic populations have shown the greatest growth in the last decade - with seven of the 10 fastest-growing states in the South. 

Hispanic Market

http://email.hbinc.com/n.asp?n=24119 Native-born Hispanics Influence Numbers
Better-educated, native-born Hispanics account for variations in education rates among Hispanic women. Only 13.3 percent of the female immigrants from Latin America have some college or an associate degree, compared to 18 percent of all U.S. Hispanic women. 

http://email.hbinc.com/n.asp?n=24123 Inside the House: Hispanics Subgroups Differ by Age
Distinct age differences emerge among Hispanic subgroups. More than 20 percent of Cubans are 65 or older, while a scant 4 percent of Mexicans are in that age bracket. On the other hand, 37 percent of Mexicans and 31 percent of Puerto Ricans are younger than 18.

Tuesday, July 12, 2005 o Volume 4, Issue #131 
news@hbinc.com  HispanicBusiness.com



Call for Abstracts - Second National Head Start Hispanic Institute   

The Head Start Bureau invites you to submit an abstract for the upcoming 2nd National Head Start Hispanic Institute, scheduled for February 27 – March 3, 2006, in Denver, Colorado. A Call for Abstracts in both English and Spanish is attached together with the Abstract Submission Form that must accompany each submission.  

We would be most appreciative if you would pass along this information to others who might present important sessions to Institute participants. The deadline for submissions is September 23, 2005. Please contact them directly at: hispanicinstitute@pal-tech.com


'Major Waves' in Population
by Paul Overberg and Haya El Nasser, USA TODAY
Sent by Win Holtzman and Howard Shorr  howardshorr@msn.com

(Aug. 11) - The nation's two largest minority groups are following strikingly different paths: Hispanics are moving to areas with few from their ethnic group; African-Americans are moving to suburbs in the South that have large black populations, Census estimates released Thursday show.

"These are two major waves in America," says William Frey, demographer at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "One is the black return to the South. The other is Hispanics going to places where everybody else is moving, following the jobs."

The July 1, 2004, estimates show that the share of Hispanics living in counties with large concentrations of Hispanics is slipping.

In the 1990s, most Hispanic immigrants came to the USA through five "gateways": California, Texas, Illinois, New York and Florida. "Now, you're just as likely to go to Iowa, South Carolina or Tennessee," Frey says. (Related: Top 100 Hispanic counties)

The spreading out of Hispanics challenges the communities they settle in and Hispanics themselves. Schools and local governments often are not equipped to deal with Spanish speakers.

Hispanics make up at least 5% of the population in 28 states, up from 16 in 1990, Frey says.

"You've got a very large share of the population living not in stereotypical neighborhoods where all the signs are in Spanish," says Roberto Suro, director of the Pew Hispanic Center, a research group in Washington. "There are still a lot living in densely Hispanic neighborhoods, but there are more who are scattered all over the landscape."

Some are middle-class Hispanics moving to the suburbs. Others are less-educated, poorer immigrants seeking jobs in construction, service industries and retailing.

Blacks' patterns are very different. The percentage in counties that have the largest share of blacks is inching up. More than 17 million - almost half of all blacks - live in the 11 states that were in the Confederacy, up a million from 2000. (Related: Top 100 black counties)

Many black professionals are leaving Northern black strongholds such as Baltimore and Philadelphia and settling in mostly black suburbs of Atlanta, Birmingham, Ala., Charlotte and other Sun Belt metros.

"They have housing options," says Roderick Harrison, demographer at the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a think tank specializing in African-American studies. "They're seeking places where there are other successful upper-income blacks, where people feel they'll be more comfortable."

The data also show that Texas has joined Hawaii, New Mexico and California as states whose  minorities exceed 50% of the population.
Abstract: Hispanics a Melding of Cultures
Latinos, the Largest New Group, Are Making Their Presence Felt
By George J. Church
Time Magazine Archive Article, July 8, 2005
Sent by Rafael Ojeda rsnojeda@aol.com

The Yakima Valley of southern Washington is 1,000 miles from the Mexican border. But so many former migrants have settled there after coming north to $ pick the valley's apples, pears and cherries that no one thought it odd when the governor of the Mexican state of Michoacan made a speech to them last spring over the local Spanish-language radio station. The governor, or so went the local joke, was only trying to stay in touch with his constituents. Union City, N.J., is 1,300 miles from Cuba. 


Abstract: The 25 Most Influential Hispanics in America
http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1093637,00.html
From music to politics to business, Hispanics are remaking America. TIME presents 25 titans leading the Latino charge into the 21st century

Posted Saturday, Aug. 13, 2005
Spanish has become the U.S.'s de facto second language, Nuevo Latino has taken its rightful place in haute cuisine, the sounds of rock en Español and reggaeton have filtered up the charts, and Latinos not only star on but own and manage major league baseball teams. But like any immigrant group that has shaped mainstream U.S. culture before fully asserting its economic or political power, the nation's 41.3 million Hispanics are just getting warmed up. While they command nearly $600 billion in buying power, they are only starting to attract the marketing attention on Madison Avenue that they merit, and their political clout similarly lags behind their sheer numbers. The country's largest ethnic minority, Hispanics promise to help remake America in the 21st century as vitally as African Americans did in the 20th. 

Still, perhaps more than any of their immigrant predecessors, Hispanics defy easy categorization. Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans and Argentine Americans may all speak the same language, but many wouldn't dream of standing under the same cultural umbrella. A fair number of U.S.-born Hispanics don't speak Spanish, and many others have little or no European blood. Indeed, the category Hispanic is a gringo construct—first used by the U.S. Census Bureau in 1980—and the only one based on culture and language instead of race. That dubious distinction frustrates some Hispanics, who believe they belong to a separate race, the product of an epic Latin American miscegenation of Iberian, Native American and African heritage. A growing number, especially in California and the Northeast, prefer the term Latino. But in a Time poll of Hispanic adults, 42% said they choose to be called Hispanic, only 17% said Latino and 34% had no particular preference. Such a wide array of opinions and agendas is reflected in Time's list of the nation's 25 most influential Hispanics, who range from celebrities like J. Lo and Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to the lesser-known labor activist Pablo Alvarado and art curator Mari Carmen Ramirez. She says her job is to be an evangelist for Latino culture. With these 24 powerful Hispanics at her side, no wonder word is spreading fast. 



Latinos In Information Sciences and Technology Association (LISTA)



LISTA Upcoming Events:  
September 25-October 1, 2005, a national awareness campaign held during Hispanic Heritage Month. The educational celebration engaging Hispanic communities across the country highlights how information technology can better support children's learning, assist in locating employment opportunities, and help provide overall economic enrichment.  LISTA in partnership with Hispanic Engineer Magazine and IBM, will have a series of events in NY, NJ, Washington DC and Texas. For more information or to participate please call 718 601 8199 or visit http://www.a-lista.org.   



Status Check: Minority Hiring in Science and Engineering
by Dan Woog, August 12, 2005, Monster Contributing Writer
posted at: http://diversity.monster.com/articles/sciengdiv/
Sent by Refugio Rochin, Ph.D. rirochin@ucdavis.edu  or rochin@cruzio.com

Harvard University president Larry Summers's comment that "innate differences" between men and women might explain the lack of top-level female professionals in science and engineering spurred a nationwide debate on the numbers and status of women in those fields. But are minorities any more visible than women in the sciences?

Building Engineering and Science Talent (BEST) offers some sobering statistics. According to the organization's Web site, in addition to women, African Americans, Hispanics/Latinos, American Indians and workers with disabilities "comprise two-thirds of the overall workforce but hold only about one-quarter of the technical jobs that drive innovation."

A BEST report, "The Quiet Crisis," reports that African Americans, who make up 12.8 percent of the US population, hold only 7.2 percent of science and engineering jobs requiring a bachelor's degree and 3.6 percent of professional jobs requiring a PhD. Hispanics/Latinos, 13 percent of the population, fare even worse: They hold 3.7 percent of bachelor's degree-level jobs and make up just 2.1 percent of the PhD/professional workforce. American Indians, 1.2 percent of the US population, barely register, with 0.3 percent of bachelor's-degree jobs and a statistically insignificant number of PhD/professional jobs.

Only Asian Americans are over represented. Although they comprise 4.5 percent of the US population, they hold 12.6 percent of all bachelor's-degree positions and a whopping 17.6 percent of PhD/professional jobs.

Few Minorities in the Pipeline

Why such low numbers? "It starts with the pipeline: Going through high school, college and then graduate school," says Refugio I. Rochin, executive director of the Santa Cruz, California-based Society for Advancement of Chicanos and Native Americans in Science (SACNAS). "For minorities, that pipeline thins out quickly."

Rochin adds that education, government and private-sector organizations are ineffective at recruiting and hiring minority scientists and engineers. "Some of the top-tier schools have multimillion-dollar research labs, paid for with federal funds, but their efforts to find minority candidates are faint," he explains. "Government spends billions of dollars on research, and they run big labs, too, but when you ask about their hiring rates or efforts at diversity, they can't show you numbers."

In private industry, fields like pharmaceuticals and chemicals rarely have minority scientists in charge. Even companies like Boeing, which Rochin says spends $80 million on diversity efforts annually, may not see their efforts pay off directly with more minority scientists and engineers. "Funding is always dependent on the economy," says Rochin. "And in today's global economy, diversity can be defined in a lot of ways. Some companies spread their money all over the globe."

Too Little Diversity at the Top

Science is like any other field, Rochin notes: People tend to hire other people who look like them. "Without minorities at the top or minority mentors and high-level career training, you're not going to get much movement for minorities," he says.

The old-boy network, another barrier to advancement for women in science and engineering, also hinders minorities. "We don't have a lot of Nobel Laureates, senior academicians or people who can identify and promote top-notch candidates," Rochin says. "We're not yet on review panels, which is where research gets funded and careers get promoted. At the lower levels, after 30 years of pushing and prodding, we've got an emerging population of successful students, lab assistants and researchers. Our challenge now is to springboard them into the top positions."

One scientific sector stands out for Hispanics/Latinos, African Americans and American Indians, says Rochin: Public health. These jobs, many well-paying, are available because public-health organizations reach out to minorities, hoping they will return to serve their communities of origin.

SACNAS is working hard to open science and engineering's doors to minorities. The organization has supported nearly 15,000 students with educational and career-advancement programs. SACNAS runs an internship program, an annual conference and mentoring programs for K-12 teachers, undergraduate and graduate students and promising PhDs.

Organizations allied with SACNAS include the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the Indian Health Service, NASA, the National Institutes of Health, the Department of Energy, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, Seagate Technology, IBM, HP and Agilent Technologies.

Additional Resources

For more information on minorities in the sciences and engineering, consider these sources: 
Minority Americans in Engineering and Science Magazine http://www.maesnationalmagazine.com/
 Fall 2004 Vol. 13 No. 3 

Maes National Magazine Celebrates Twelve Years of Publishing Excellence!

MAES National Magazine was first published in March of 1992. The magazine focuses on minority engineers & scientists, ranging from students to accomplished professionals and the companies they work for. Over the last decade we have witnessed leading science and engineering companies realize the value in diversity initiatives and those companies are now reaping the benefits. 
National Action Council for Minorities in Engineering- http://www.nacme.org/   NACME Symposium 2005

Forging Partnerships... Sharing Goals
Meeting America's Need for Engineering Talent

NACME will convene a prominent group of corporate executives, college and university presidents and deans, foundation officers, government officials, educators from urban school districts, and representatives from science and engineering-focused organizations, at a symposium to address the shortage of young students prepared to pursue undergraduate degrees in engineering and technology, and the need to increase the representation of underserved students if we, as a nation, are to meet the future demand for professionals in those areas.

Through a series of presentations and panel discussions, Symposium participants will tackle tough issues such as the offshoring of engineering and technology jobs, revitalizing curricula at both the secondary and post-secondary school levels, and the need for diversity in the engineering workforce.

Join us! 
National Society of Black Engineers - http://www.nsbe.org/   NATIONAL LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE 2005 or NLC, is NSBE’s premier training program for key national and regional officers. 

Society of Hispanic Professional Engineers - http://www.shpe.org/  The Society of Hispanic Professional Engineers (SHPE) was founded in Los Angeles, California, in 1974 by a group of engineers employed by the city of Los Angeles. Their objective was to form a national organization of professional engineers to serve as role models in the Hispanic community. 

The concept of Networking was the key basis for the organization. SHPE quickly established two student chapters to begin the network that would grow to encompass the nation as well as reach countries outside the United States. Today, SHPE enjoys a strong but independent network of professional and student chapters throughout the nation. 

Talk about this article and get advice on the Diversity at Work message board as of August 12. 2005 -- visit http://forums.monster.com/forum.asp?forum=1896



Anti-Spanish Legends

Portola and Anza Expeditions
Example of anti-Spanish sentence in a history book
¿Smithsonian Identifies first Latino Hero during the American Revolution?
Book: Tejano Roots 
Si, Se Puede: Felipe Alou Stands Up to Bigotry 

 

Portola and Anza Expeditions

HI Mimi, I was searching through your Newsletter, it is always so interesting. Especially the Anti- Spanish-Mexican Legends.
 
Maybe you have come across this web site, I don't know, but it was so thrilling to me to read about the Portola and Anza Expeditions. How proud we should be of these Spanish-Mexican families that risked their lives to Colonize California. 

Web de Anza http://anza.uoregon.edu/siteindex.html

I had always wanted to read the Diaries of these men who were in charge, being in Spanish of course, I could not read them. One day through my many researches I came a website that was recommended by a Park Ranger. There they were, Diaries written in English which had been Translated by the Oregon University. They have been the most exciting reading material, you just can't put it down. I recommend that all your readers take a look and see for themselves.
 
For me, it helped to comprehend what they went through and how vast it was!  They said if it had not been for the Indians they could not have succeeded. They taught them so much and in reverse the Spanish taught them many things. It is easy reading with footnotes of places and words we are not familiar with. You get to know the whole picture of what happened on the trail to better life for all.
Sent by Eva Booher  EVABOOHER@aol.com
 



Example of anti-Spanish sentence in a history book

Editor:  Even within well documented historical books, I have frequently come across text segments that are imbued with anti-Spanish sentiments.  A website to the book: "The Regiment of Louisiana & the Spanish Army in the American Revolution" was forwarded with information about the remarkable successes of General Galvez.  However, one sentence jumped out at me.  It  is a very good example of  how an anti-Spanish prejudice can be included in a historical text, seemingly as historical fact.   

"When the widening breach that had been growing between the Thirteen Colonies and the Mother Country exploded into a full-fledged rebellion in the spring of 1775, both the courts at Versailles and Madrid hailed the event as a godsend. Here was their chance to strike at their ancient enemy while her arms were tied and get some revenge for the humiliating defeats England had dealt them during the Seven Years War."

Analyzing the sentence, they write that courts of Versailles and Madrid hailed the rebellion of the American colonists as godsend because:

1) they were ancient enemy , connoting a tribal mentality  > as if it had nothing to do with the present conditions,  English pirates were encouraged to raid, loot, and steal from the Spanish merchant ships.  The word privateers was used to describe this criminal activity. Francis Drake was knighted for his success.  Nor does that include the fact that  the colonies which had been established by the Spanish, such as St. Augustine, were under constant threat from the British. 

2) the Spanish were pleased because they could now attack the British  while her arms were tied   
Obviously, this image connotes the very cowardly act of hitting someone helpless, unable to defend themselves.  Spain is pictured as the bully, without a sense of noble fairness, while the British are presented as helpless, quite a twist considering the times.

3) the motivation of trying to hold on to the lands that had been explored and colonized for about 300 years is dismissed as simply get some revenge.

4) the use of emotionally-packed words and images to explain Spain's involvement,  humiliating defeats England had dealt them, in this case, implies in context that the Spanish were not gentlemen. Class was very important at that time, the upper class were considered superior and deserving of their position.  The text implies that the Spanish were lower class and could not take defeat in the noble well-manner way of a gentleman.  Instead, the Spanish were acting like the lower class, seeking  revenge for their humiliation

Within that one sentence, the authors have concluded that Spain (and its people) were vengeful, cowardly, uncultured and inferior, and for those reasons were in support of the American colonists. 

However, the expanded extract is factual, without the subjective intrusion of emotionally-packed words.  Go to Regiment  . .  or   http://members.cox.net/spanishlouisiana/history.htm



First Latino Hero during the American Revolution?


Mimi, 
A flyer from the Smithsonian that I picked up a while ago and which only now I have had a chance to concentrate on, notes that Francisco de Miranda (1756-1816) "is the first Latino hero of the American Revolution." Were you aware of this disclosure and wonder to what extent you agree with that statement.

JV     jvmart@verizon.net
7/28/2005 

Editor: This question was forwarded to Somos Primos readers with a special interest in the American Revolution.  You will enjoy the reasoning and answers, supported by facts, dates, and locations showing Miranda was a very poor choice by the Smithsonian for the First Latino Hero during the American Revolution.   Go to First Latino Hero

 

BOOK: Tejano Roots

Austin writer-historian, Dan Arellano presents " Tejano Roots" and brings to life how Tejano heroes died for the same reasons as the heroes of the Alamo in a battle many don't know about...The Battle of Medina...

DAVY CROCKETT Dying a warriors' death while swinging "ole Betsy" at the Alamo...wrong
TEXAS INDEPENDENCE
Starting at Gonzales in 1835...wrong again
SIX FLAGS OVER TEXAS...
still wrong
TEXAS RANGERS
Straight-shootin, square dealing lawmen...dead wrong

Did you know that over 1000 Tejanos sacrificed their lives for liberty and freedom...yet have been forgotten? And it happened here in South Texas, and it was bigger and bloodier than the Alamo, San Jacinto and Goliad combined.

"Tejano Roots" is the untold story of Tejanos who can finally claim their rightful place in the history of our country. "Tejano Roots" brings a historic and a renewed sense of pride to our Mexican-American community with a story that belongs to them, their families, their history and their hearts.

Dan Arellano has appeared on Tejano Radio 1560 AM in Austin with Amy Garza, on KOOP radio FM 91.7 and TV Fiesta Musical both with Isidoro Lopez, and on Prime Time Tejano the Austin Music Network TV show with Jerry Avila. He has also been featured in La Prensa and Arriba, both Austin Newspapers, and at www.tejanomagazine.com. The book is available at Book People, 603 N. Lamar in Austin, and at Border Land Books in San Antonio, 6307 Wurzbach, and in California at Los Palominos 1901 N. Dinuba Blvd, Visalia, Ca. 93291 Or send $24.00 plus $3.00 s & h to Dan Arellano. PO Box 43012. Austin, Texas 78704.

Contact: 
Dan Arellano 512-826-7569; e-mail darellano@austin.rr.com  http://www.tejanoroots.org

Excerpts from "Tejano Roots"

"Many Mexican-Americans have given their lives, defending freedom and democracy. A thousand Tejanos were killed in one battle alone, in defense of these causes.But this conflict wasn't on foriegn soil. Not on the beaches of Normandy, not in Korea, Viet Nam, or Desert Storm, although Tejanos were there, but much closer to home, in South Texas, less than twenty miles outside of San Antonio. The Battle of Medina...the forgotten history of the Tejanos , these first sons and daughters of the State of Texas, unknown and unrecognized, for their ultimate sacrifice."

"The battle raged for four hours going one way and then the other. Through the smoke and the roar of the cannon, men could be heard crying in anuish. Some men lost limbs, others had their heads blown off, there were body parts scattered all over the battlefield. The lucky ones died instantly, while others suffered a slow and agonizing death, until executed upon orders by Arredondo. The carnage was devastating; it was a horrible massacre of men."

On this day in 1813, the Spaniards defeated a would-be Texas republic in the bloodiest action ever fought on Texas soil. The battle of Medina ended the filibustering efforts of the Gutiérrez-Magee expedition.


Si, Se Puede: Felipe Alou Stands Up to Bigotry 
by Dave Zirin, August 8, 2005 by CommonDreams.org 
Sent by Howard Shorr howardshorr@msn.com

In the current climate of anti-immigrant, Latino-bashing, let this message ring across the land: don't mess with Felipe Alou. Don't mess with the 70 year-old Giants manager, who has stared down the U.S. Marines, the Jim Crow south, and Major League Baseball and will give no quarter:  Larry Krueger learned this late last week when the San Francisco KNBR "radio personality" described the San Francisco Giants as "brain-dead Caribbean hitters hacking at slop nightly" and then characterized Alou as having "cream of wheat in his brain." Krueger thought that his gutter racism would pass unnoticed. But by taking on Alou, Krueger has proven painfully overmatched. 

Alou's response was immediate, political, and refreshingly unforgiving. "It made me sad to know that 40, almost 50 years later, we have comments like that, especially in San Francisco," he said. "There are more countries [represented] in San Francisco now than when I was a player here and I never heard anything like that. I heard it in the South and in some other cities, but not here. A man like me and the Latin guys out there, we have to be aware now that [racism] is not over yet. It is coming back." 

His son Moises, who plays for the Giants, said that Krueger's comments were all too familiar to what is said by many off microphone. "In the minor leagues, people think all Dominicans, Mexicans and Venezuelans are dumb," he said. "You think if a guy doesn't speak English it's because he's stupid. You go to the Dominican and try to have conversation in Spanish, and see how easy it is." 

It is this pent up frustration felt by many Latino players that explains why Felipe Alou also rebuffed Krueger's efforts to save face and apologize. "I know this individual came to apologize to me. Are you kidding? There is no way to apologize for that kind of thing. If I say I accept it, the Latin players will never forgive me. There's no way to apologize for such a sin." Alou also asked people to consider how many countries comprise the Caribbean, and said, "All of these people were offended by that idiot." 

In taking on Alou, Krueger was out of his league. Alou was the first Dominican player ever to play in the Majors. Couple that with his dark complexion and a minor league stint in Louisiana, and Alou's intro to the United States was "a depth of racism I never saw in the Dominican Republic." While the rest of his team dined in segregated restaurants and stayed in "whites only "hotels, Alou ate meals on the team bus and scrounged for housing. But Alou never let it beat him down. "I was never scared. Some of my [Black] teammates were, but I was proud of who I was and where I was from." As a minor leaguer in Louisiana, Alou wouldn't listen when bus drivers would tell him to take his seat in the back. 

This didn't stop in the minors. When Felipe played with his brothers Jesus and Matty for the Giants, it took just one losing streak for manager Alvin Dark to say, "We have trouble because we have too many Negro and Spanish-speaking players on this team. They're just not able to perform up to the white players when it comes to mental alertness." 

Alou struck back by successfully campaigning for Major League Baseball to hire a person in charge of ensuring the welfare of Latin American Players. In 1965, Alou won when Commissioner William D. Eckert hired Cuban born Bobby Maduro for this newly created role. "Felipe went through a lot of trouble not just for Matty and me but a lot of Dominicans as a black Latin player," remembers Jesus. "He went through a lot to clear the path for others." 

Alou's politicization continued when he saw firsthand the US Marines occupy the Dominican Republic in 1965. "Hopefully it will be the only time I will have to confront soldiers from another country," he said in a recent inter