Somos Primos

 January 2005 
Editor: Mimi Lozano

Dedicated to Hispanic Heritage and Diversity Issues
Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research


Content Areas

United States
. . 4
Arvizu . . 21
Galvez Patriots
. . 23
Orange County,CA
. . 28
Los Angeles,CA
. . 34
. . 51
Northwestern US
. . 60
Southwestern US 
. . 63
. . 81
. . 85
. . 103
. . 109
East of Mississippi
. . 116 
East Coast
. . 118
. . 128
. . 151
. . 154
. . 166
. . 171
Family History
. . 173
. . 178
. . 179
2003 Index 
. . 180 
Community Calendars
January 22

Let's remember throughout 2005 
"The Rescuing Hug"






This is a picture from an article called "The Rescuing Hug". The article details the first week of life of a set of twins. Apparently, each were in their respective incubators, and one was not expected to live. A hospital nurse fought against the hospital rules and placed the babies in one incubator. When they were placed together, the healthier of the two threw an arm over her sister in an endearing embrace. The smaller baby's heart rate stabilized and her temperature rose to normal. They both survived, and are thriving, in fact, the two girls went home to share a crib, and still snuggle. The twins are happy kindergartners now. The hospital changed their policy after they saw the effect of putting the two girls together, and now they bed multiples together.  
Sent by Louis Bermudes Carbajal

"An educated people will always be strong and free, 
the alternative is ignorance. 
Ignorance will ultimately destroy us." 
Jose Marti

  Letters to the Editor : 

Dear Mimi :Under your topic of "good works that others are doing", is certainly, John Schmal from your staff.
   I had been an ardent Genealogy researcher for years, pre the advent of the Internet. Then I came upon an Internet posting of John’s about Zacatecas research. I immediately sent John a query, and subsequent others, all of which he responded with such valuable information, to this total stranger.
    With such anticipation, I attempted to read the first film at the Family History Center…and found the beautiful Spanish Colonial Script that I could not read.  I was so disappointed…I could read the English Script, but not the Spanish.
   Subsequently, I received e-mails from John that were letters of encouragement …not to give up…to stick with it…the experience would be as if I was learning how to read all over again….which certainly has evolved. I have found 26 grandparents on my paternal line, and twice a much on my maternal side.
   I would never have progressed without the act of kindness from John Schmal. In my family book there will certainly be a dedication to John.  John, mil gracias y abrazos, Helyn Sparkman de Castaneda  
Dear Mimi, Just wanted to let you know how much I enjoy reading Somos Primos. Because of your magazine I have met Louis Bermudes from California. Small world . He was born in Goliad, Texas where his family are planning a family reunion the same weekend the Alvarez -Angel of Goliad Descendants are having theirs in April of 2005. 
   We had a very nice phone conversation the other day and we both really appreciate all your hard work in getting our Hispanic Heritage known. We both have learned so much. Keep up the good work and Have a Merry Christmas. 
   We hope you will join our reunions next April and enjoy some good Texan hospitality.  Sincerely, Rebecca Alvarez Shokrian
What Great Work!  Felicidades. Please keep me posted.  Cesar
Dear Mimi,
Happy Holidays today, tomorrow and forever!  I know this note will find you active, prosperous and healthy!
   I have made a contact with a Hawaii-Rican who wants me to put in writing the stories of those first US-Hawaii-Rican migrants of 1900. He has shared a couple of stories, and they are profound, deep and meaningful to say "poco". 
  I have always dreamed of getting involved in such a unique and solemn project. What steps can I take? We have begun to interact informally, but he is already doing voluntary research on the matter. I would love to go to these Islands and interview and write and publish. 
  How can you help? By the way, thanks for publishing my articles/essays on your site. Do you have a foundation or good contact in Hawaii? I believe my working-story A Typical Californio got this person's attention.
   Abrazos,  Manny Hernandez
Just wanted to let you know how much I enjoy and look forward to Somos Primos. The links are invaluable, the articles interesting.  Thank you so much.  
Sandra Ramos O'Briant  Beverly Hills, CA. 
Just a quick note to say keep me on your email list. I have enjoyed receiving it since October. Maybe one of these days I will connect with family from Sonora, Hermosillo, Mexico. can't believe I'm the only one in the family that is interested in Genealogy.  Gerri Mares San Diego, CA
Good Afternoon Mimi, Merry Christmas and Happy New Year. You are doing a good job and I am very proud of you.
Francisco Balolong Paras Jr.
Dear Mimi:  Again as usual, an outstanding monthly brochure….keeps getting better every month.  Thank you for your and supporting staff presentations.  Also, thank you very much for inserting my family query – it is most appreciated. Saludos, Dennis E. A. Keesee Bermudez
Mimi: As always, you never cease to amaze me, on your [Somos Primos] contributions and documention of the history of Hispanics, in general--and Americans of Color, in particular!!  
   Many thanks for including me as a contributor of our American history--I consider it an honor--of the highest degree!! Also, I forgot I sent you, that quote from President Lincoln--regarding true American history.  
Willis Papillion
Dear Mimi: This issue is packed with lots of good and interesting information. You are really doing a great job!
Best regards, Carlos Vega
Hi Mimi, Somos Primos was fantastic this Dec. 04 issue. You and the entire board and contributors gave us all such vital, interesting Spanish information. THANK YOU for a wonderful Christmas gift! 
   You have no idea how many doors to California History you all open for me. Please know your dedicated efforts are appreciated by so many. I truly admire you Mimi! If I can ever help in anyway - please don't hesitate to ask.
   I have a question about the "Orange County Mexican American Society 20005 Calendar - Images of Orange County, California" pictured on site. Is the church featured on calendar's cover Our Lady of Guadalupe - Delhi - Santa Ana? Sure reminds me of an old picture my Mom has.
   Thank you for any details you can give me. I will also call the number listed below the calendar. You are such a treat! 
Rita Avila
Merry Christmas to you. I want to take the time to thank you for your efforts, a job well done............. all year long. Keep up the good work, I for one enjoy it.
Élida Vela Barrera, Muñiz de Vom Baur
Stories for Chicken Soup for the Genealogist's 

I'm looking for stories for Chicken Soup for the Genealogist's Soul. As the author of this upcoming work, I'm searching for inspirational and touching stories of genealogists who:
o Overcame terrible obstacles to find elusive ancestral lines
o Came to understand their heritage & can express how this understanding affected them
o Found reconciliation in their families through sharing their research
o Made new connections with extended family
o Experienced deep emotional reactions to information they have gathered.
If you know of individuals with appropriate stories for the book, please have them contact me, either by email or phone at 402-968-7372
Thanks, David DeFord
For a very beautiful and touching photo stream of our military, go to:
Sent by Analía (Ana) Montalvo Thousand Oaks, CA 
and Janete Vargas Los Angeles, CA

  Somos Primos Staff:   
Mimi Lozano, Editor
John P. Schmal, 
Johanna de Soto, 
Howard Shorr
Armando Montes
Michael Stevens Perez

Rebecca Alvarez Shokrian
John Arvizu
Rita Avila
Tom Ascencio
Michah'el Ben-Yehudah  
Louis Bermudes Carbajal 
Jane Blume
Danielle Brown
Jaime Cader
Bill Carmena
Angel R. Cervantes
Lynette Chapa
Jack Cowan
David DeFord
Johanna De Soto
Karla Everett
Anthony Garcia 
George Gause 
Eddie Grijalva
Michael Hardwick
Marcos Hernandez Brea 
Lorraine Hernandez
Manuel Hernandez
John Inclan
Dennis Keesee Bermudez
Cindy Lobuglio
Gerri Mares
Analía (Ana) Montalvo
Angelita Montalbo 
Armando Montes 
Dorinda Lupe Moreno
Paul Newfield
Ann Minter 
Mercy Bautista-Olvera
Willis Papillion 
Francisco Balolong Paras Jr.
Roberto Pérez Guadarrama
Anthony Ramos
Sandra Ramos O'Briant 
Angel C.Rebollo Barroso  
Viola Rodriguez Sadler
Richard G. Santos
Vanessa Schatz  
Diane Sears
Howard Shorr
Brittany Skousen
Robert Smith
Mira Smithwick
Helyn Sparkman de
Robert Thonhoff
Robert Tarín
Paul Trejo 
Dick Trzaskoma 
Phil Valdez 
Janete Vargas
Carlos Vega
Élida Vela Barrera
J.D. Villarreal
SHHAR Board:  Laura Arechabala Shane, Bea Armenta Dever, Steven Hernandez,  Mimi Lozano Holtzman, Pat Lozano, Henry Marquez, Yolanda Ochoa Hussey, Michael Perez, Crispin Rendon, Viola Rodriguez Sadler, John P. Schmal. 


National Archives 2005 Events
Hispanic Caucus Scholarships 
Hispanic Americans Coast Guard
Marine threw himself on grenade
Putting it down for posterity
Teen seeks Latino veterans stories
Non-Latinos Mine Mexican Market
Toy makers discover Latinos
Younger Latinas, smaller families
University of Norte Dame 
International Business Conference

Journalists Blast News Coverage 
Low Academic Achievement
Pollsters Debate Hispanics' Voting


2005 National Archives Heritage Events
I have been asked to assist in organizing a series of 2005 events to be held at the  National Archives in Washington, D.C..  In order to keep everyone updated, a file has been set up. The first event will be held in May. 
For more information go to:


Hispanic Caucus Scholarships information 
Sent by Cindy Lobuglio

WASHINGTON -- U.S. Senator Pete Domenici today (11/30/2004) encouraged Hispanic college students from New Mexico to apply for scholarships, internships and fellowships offered by the
Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute Inc. (CHCI) in Washington.

The CHCI is now accepting applications for its student programs, including summer internships and fellowship placements in Washington, and 2005 scholarship programs.

"The institute has built a good reputation for offering Hispanic college students opportunities to live, learn and work in the nation's capital. "These programs provide one avenue for our youth to
broaden their horizons as they prepare to enter the workforce and become community leaders," he said.

CHCI, established in 1978, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan educational organization. It is now accepting applications for the following programs:

2005 CHCI SUMMER INTERNSHIP PROGRAM (June 11 to Aug. 5, 2005): Offered to 30 undergraduates, this two-month internship provides college students with an opportunity to work in a congressional House office. This program includes a community service component. CHCI summer interns are provided with transportation to Washington, a $2,000 stipend, and housing.
Applications must be postmarked by Jan. 31, 2005.

2005-2006 CHCI PUBLIC POLICY FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM (Aug. 29, 2005 to May 26, 2006): Offered to 20 recent college graduates or currently-enrolled graduate students, selected CHCI fellows are placed offices in Washington based on their interests. Placements range from assignments in congressional offices, federal agencies, Washington-based media outlets, corporate federal affairs offices, national advocacy organizations, and government-related institutions. The program includes a community service component. CHCI fellows are provided with transportation to Washington, a monthly stipend, and health insurance. Applications must be postmarked by March 1, 2005.

CHCI SCHOLARSHIP AWARDS: These scholarships are offered to Hispanic students "who have a history of performing public and/or community service activities." The scholarships are not based on GPA, and are awarded to full-time community college, undergraduate, and graduate students of all majors. The CHCI awards one-time $1,000 scholarships to selected community college applicants, and $2,500 scholarships to applicants attending a four-year university or graduate/professional program. Applications must be postmarked by April 15, 2005.

Applications and more information about these programs can be accessed by visiting the CHCI web site at:, calling the CHCI Programs Staff at 1-800-EXCEL-D

Go to the site for more information with specific individuals identified.

The history of  Hispanic Americans in the U.S. Coast Guard may be traced as far back as early 1800's.  Hispanic Americans performed duties at light house stations as keepers and assistant keepers.  Others served on board Revenue Service cutters and as surfmen at Life-Saving Service stations along the coast.  Many gave their lives in the performance of their duties and others were decorated for their heroism.

 In 1914, Hispanics sailed on the Revenue Cutter Algonquin.  The cutter was stationed in the Caribbean and assisted the city of San Juan twice.  In 1920, after the formation of the Coast Guard, two Hispanic crewman of the cutter Acushnet, Mess Attendant First Class Arthur J. Flores and SN John E. Gomez, volunteered to save survivors of the schooner Isaiah K. Stetsen, which sank off the coast of Massachusetts during a storm.  The Treasury Department awarded both of them the Silver Lifesaving Medal for their heroism.  

Many served with distinction during World War II as well.  The Sanjuan family, including the father, Vivencio, and two of his sons served in the Coast Guard.  Vivencio Sanjuan served on board the Coast Guard-manned attack transport USS Samuel Chase during the invasions of North Africa and then Salerno, Italy.  His son, Pedro, was stationed on board the attack transport USS Bayfield and saw service during the Normandy invasion and the invasion of Southern France as well.  Another son, Ramon, served on board four Coast Guard cutters during his career and retired from the service in 1969.  Another son, William, served in the Coast Guard in the Vietnam conflict.  He was awarded the Purple Heart for a combat injury received while under a mortar attack by a Viet Cong unit.

Marine threw himself on grenade, say comrades.
By Gregg K. Kakesako
Honolulu star-Bulletin News, Saturday, December 4, 2004
Sent by Bill Carmena

"Some people live an entire lifetime and wonder if they have made a difference
 in the world.  Marines don't have that problem."   Ronald Reagan 

Comrades recall how barely living Kaneohe Marine Sgt. Rafael Peralta saved them by smothering the blast of a grenade in Fallujah, Iraq, two weeks ago -- much like Medal of Honor winners of past wars.

"He saved half my fire team," Cpl. Brannon Dyer, 27, of Blairsville, Ga., told the Army Times.One of Peralta's platoon mates, Lance Cpl. Rob Rogers, 22, of Tallahassee, Fla., told the Army Times, "It's stuff you hear about in boot camp, about World War II and Tarawa Marines who won the Medal of Honor."

Peralta -- a Mexican American who lived in San Diego -- was killed while assigned to Kaneohe's Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 3rd Marine Regiment, on Nov. 15, the eighth day of Operation Al Fajr in Fallujah. The mission for the Kaneohe Marines: Clear the city of insurgents, building by building.

Lance Cpl. T.J. Kaemmerer, a combat correspondent who was attached to Alpha Company, witnessed Peralta who, in his last moments of consciousness, reached out and pulled a grenade into his body, protecting the lives of at least eight fellow Kaneohe Marines.

Kaemmerer reports that Peralta was a platoon scout in the Kaneohe unit, which meant he could have stayed back in safety while the squads of 1st Platoon went into the danger-filled streets. But he was constantly asking to help out. Kaemmerer was with Peralta when the platoon breached a gate and swiftly approached a building.

"The first Marine in the stack kicked in the front door," he said, "revealing a locked door to their front and another at the right. Kicking in the doors simultaneously, one stack filed swiftly into the room to the front as the other group of Marines darted off to the right."

"Clear!" screamed the Marines in one of the rooms, followed only seconds later by another shout of "clear!" from the second room, Kaemmerer reports.

"One word told us all we wanted to know about the rooms: There was no one in there to shoot at us. We found that the two rooms were adjoined and we had another closed door in front of us. We spread ourselves throughout the rooms to avoid a cluster going through the next door.

"Two Marines stacked to the left of the door as Peralta, rifle in hand, tested the handle. I watched from the middle, slightly off to the right of the room as the handle turned with ease. Ready to rush into the rear part of the house, Peralta threw open the door.

"Pop. Pop. Pop. Multiple bursts of cap-gun-sounding AK-47 fire rang throughout the house. "Three insurgents with AK-47s were waiting for us behind the door.

"Peralta was hit several times in his upper torso and face at point-blank range by the fully automatic 7.62 mm weapons employed by three terrorists. Mortally wounded, he jumped into the already cleared adjoining room, giving the rest of us a clear line of fire through the doorway to the rear of the house.

"We opened fire, adding the bangs of M-16A2 service rifles and the deafening, rolling cracks of a Squad Automatic Weapon, or SAW, to the already nerve-racking sound of the AKs. One Marine was shot through the forearm and continued to fire at the enemy.

"I saw four Marines firing from the adjoining room, when a yellow, foreign-made, oval-shaped grenade bounced into the room, rolling to a stop close to Peralta's nearly lifeless body.

"I watched in fear and horror as the other four Marines scrambled to the corners of the room and the majority of the blast was absorbed by Peralta's now lifeless body. His selflessness left four other Marines with only minor injuries from smaller fragments of the grenade.

"Later that night, while I was thinking about the day's somber events, Cpl. Richard A. Mason, an infantryman with headquarters platoon, who in the short time I was with the company became a good friend, told me, 'You're still here, don't forget that. Tell your kids, your grandkids, what Sgt. Peralta did for you and the other Marines today.'"

Chuck Little, Marine spokesman at Camp Smith, said the incident will be "looked at in depth and witnesses interviewed" before any determination is made if he will be given any type of medal for his life-saving action.

Peralta had wanted to enlist in the Marine Corps right after graduating from Morse High School in San Diego in 1997. But since he was a Mexican citizen, he had to wait until August 2000, after he got his green card.

He transferred to Kaneohe in December 2003 and re-enlisted for four more years in April.


Putting it down for posterity.  A local veteran's story is one of hundreds in an oral history project showcasing Hispanics' contributions in World War II.
By ROSANNA RUIZ -- Section: Page 1
Copyright 2004 Houston Chronicle
Sent by Mercy Bautista Olvera

Johnnie Marino contemplated his fate as he lay in a shallow sand crater gouged out by a shell on Omaha Beach during the Normandy invasion. He was sure he was about to die in his makeshift grave. "Well, that's the end of me," Marino thought at the moment. "I'll just wait till my time comes — all they have to do is put dirt on top of me."

Around him lay dying soldiers, some with missing limbs, crying out for help. All he could do was hunker down and pray a sniper would not find him in his sights. Finally, the all-clear signal came, indicating the Germans had been repelled.

The 85-year-old Houston resident's war stories are among about 450 collected in the World War II oral history project that finally grants the Hispanic veteran a voice in one of the most dramatic conflicts of the 20th century. The project is an undertaking by the journalism department at the University of Texas at Austin.

The project, launched in 1999, tells the story of the Hispanic "citizen soldier" who, like many others, answered the call to duty. Many had never ventured beyond their rural hometowns, but the war would take them to the bloody sands of Normandy and the perilous jungles of the Pacific. An estimated 250,000 to 500,000 Hispanics served in World War II, although the exact number is not clear because of incomplete military records.

The U.S. Latino & Latina WWII Oral History Project details how the war served as a turning point for Hispanics, who possessed a greater sense of ownership and worth when they returned home, said Jorge Chapa, professor and director of Latino studies at Indiana University, Bloomington.

The war gave rise to their intolerance of disparate treatment in civil rights and education that resulted in the formation of such groups as the American GI Forum and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund. Their work provided a stronger foothold for the Hispanic generations that followed.

"If there was any doubt in their minds before, their fighting and dying made them determined to be part of U.S. society and get their share of the benefits," said Chapa, also a member of the project's advisory committee.

Overlooked by historians: Maggie Rivas-Rodriguez, project director, said she wanted to deliver the historical backdrop to all of the social and economic changes in the post WWII years. 

Rivas-Rodriguez said the project demonstrates that Hispanics of the World War II-era should bear equal status as members of the "Greatest Generation," yet they had largely been overlooked by researchers and historians.

"There is a sameness and uniformity of battlefield experiences, a real sense of brotherhood in foxholes and in fighting the enemy," said Rivas-Rodriguez, a UT associate journalism professor. "But where it starts to be kind of not true and not uniform is if you look up books about World War II and even contemporary stuff about men's experiences or women's experiences, it's very rare to find a Hispanic last name."

Included in the archives are stories of deceased Hispanic veterans told by their relatives and through their own writings. The stories of Hispanic women on the home front are also told. Many of the subjects' stories appeared in a newspaper called Narratives that was published twice each year since the project's inception. Though more interviews will always be welcomed, the newspaper will no longer be published, Rivas-Rodriguez said.

The archives also contain newspaper clippings, photographs, letters, diaries and telegrams that will be housed at the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection and the Center for American History at UT. The archives will be available to the public next year.

Houstonian volunteers: Behind the five-year project were hundreds of volunteers who canvassed Texas and the country to collect the oral histories. They first had to undergo short training sessions on what to ask the veterans. 

Marino and the other area veterans' stories are included in the project through the work of volunteer Paul Zepeda of Houston. He interviewed about 30 or so veterans, including four of his own brothers who were all in the Army and all returned home after the war. Zepeda said the veterans were at ease telling him their stories because he also has a military background, having served during the "tail end" of the Korean War.

"Many times, Hispanic veterans had been ignored and not as prominently written about," said Zepeda, a 68-year-old retired postal worker. "There was a gap in there that needed to be filled, and I was glad to be given that opportunity. It was a great experience."

'After all the years ... '  David Loredo, another Houston veteran, also told his story to Zepeda. Loredo, a 79-year-old watch repairman, was an Army sergeant in the Philippines. He said he served with about six other Hispanic soldiers, but he was friends with everyone, he said. After the war, Loredo took advantage of the GI Bill and studied horology. 

"It makes me feel good," Loredo said of his participation in the project. "After all the years, someone knows something about you because for many years nobody knew anything about what happened over there."

In his narrative, Marino describes the Battle of the Bulge, when the line had to be held at all costs against a pressing German force. He also described the horror he witnessed upon liberating Nazi concentration camps.

Marino said the most horrific moment of the war was seeing the "walking dead" of German and Austrian concentration-camp survivors. Although he has prayed that those images be erased from his mind, they remain.  "I'll never forget that place ... we saw the stacks of Jewish people, stacked just like cord wood," Marino said of one of the camps. "I've asked my God to help me forget, but I believe it's something you can't ever forget."

He said he found a small measure of comfort when during the days after the German surrender he was able to capture hundreds of Nazi soldiers, disguised as civilians, who had served as concentration-camp guards.

Marino also shared his war story with Houston's Holocaust Museum and the schoolchildren he frequently visits each year.  He said through his visits to schools and UT's project, it should be clear that there were many soldiers like him who honorably served their country. 

"I want people to know that there were not only Anglos who fought in the war because they sometimes forget," Marino said.

Teen seeks stories of Latino veterans
By Dana Hull, Mercury News, Posted on Tue, Dec. 28, 2004

Dozens of Silicon Valley teenagers are involved in the Digital Clubhouse Network, a Sunnyvale non-profit whose flagship project is getting youth to archive the oral histories of World War II veterans with digital video cameras.

But Robert Corpus, a senior at San Jose High Academy, has a more personal mission: He wants to save the stories of California's unsung Latino veterans.

Photo: Patrick Tehan / Mercury News 
High school student Robert Corpus, right, interviews World War II veteran Carl Heintze about his experiences. 
This year, Robert has interviewed more than 50 veterans, and he has an ambitious goal of interviewing 30 more by the end of the year. So far, only five of his interviews were with Latinos, and Robert feels as though he's in a race against time.

``Sometimes I feel like, `Why am I doing this?' '' said Robert, whose grandparents were born in Mexico. ``And then I open up the newspaper and read the obituaries. Pearl Harbor veteran: gone. Guadalcanal veteran: gone. I just keep thinking about all of the stories that we don't have.''

Robert has traveled to the veterans home in Yountville in search of interviews, and asks every vet to be on the lookout for Latino men who served. He loves to travel to Southern California, where vast pockets of Navy and Marine veterans can be found.

"There are Latino veterans, but they are harder to find,'' Robert said. "Down south is veteran central. Cities like Oceanside near Camp Pendleton are great.''

One of Robert's favorite oral histories came from San Jose resident Ysidor Sanchez, who flew to France earlier this year to take part in the 60th anniversary celebration of D-day and the liberation of France from Nazi German occupation. Sanchez and Robert are now good friends, regularly meeting for hamburgers.

"He's a real smart young man. We've kind of adopted him as our son,'' said Sanchez, who is in his early 80s and has a son and six daughters. "He came over for my birthday. He likes to talk, but he really likes to listen to older people, which is rare these days. It's nice.''

Robert, 17, said his interest in World War II first began last year, when he regularly volunteered at Kaiser Hospital Santa Clara and quickly grew fascinated by the older men on the floor who proudly wore their veterans caps. Robert wants to become a doctor, and his love of military history grew as he listened to the stories of the patients.

"World War II was a genuine war between good and evil,'' Robert said. "The other wars, like Vietnam, were more controversial.''

Capturing the oral histories of World War II has become a personal crusade. An estimated 1,200 World War II veterans a day die in the United States, and with them a treasure trove of memories and insights are forever lost.

Robert's involvement in the Stories of Service project consumes nearly all of his free time, and he admits that his grades in school have suffered as a result. He also formed a Stories of Service club at San Jose High Academy that now has 20 members.

"He's an excellent history student,'' said teacher James Marshall, the club's adviser. "He's really a role model, and a lot of the other kids in the school look up to him.'' Robert travels around the state teaching other youths how to use digital cameras and what to ask in interviews.

"Robert is unique in many ways,'' said Warren Hegg, who founded the Digital Clubhouse Network in 1998. "He hasn't lost his sweet-faced innocence, but he is mature and patient beyond his years. We like to joke that he's an 80-year-old man in a 17-year-old body.''

Before long, the shy teenager began using General Corpus as his e-mail address and reading military history books in his spare time. His favorite World War II movie is `"Stalag 17,'' a 1953 film about a German POW camp.

On a recent afternoon, Robert raced from school to the Willow Senior Center on Lincoln Avenue to interview Carl Heintze, a World War II veteran who was at the December 1944 German offensive that became known as the Battle of the Bulge.

Robert's vast knowledge was quickly evident. He asked Heintze a number of questions about his life growing up in Napa and his student days at Stanford, then moved to basic training and the theater of war.

"Did you come in on LCTs?'' he asked, referring to the landing craft tanks used to transport equipment, supplies and soldiers from ship to land. When he asked Heintze to describe what the war smelled and sounded like, Heintze talked at length about mortar shells raining into his foxhole.
"I was scared to death,'' Heintze said. "I started digging the hole deeper.''

The 60th anniversary of the end of the Battle of the Bulge is Jan. 26, and Robert is interested in talking to other local veterans who were there. He is also eager to interview Latino veterans who served in other closing battles such as Okinawa and Iwo Jima. World War II ended Sept. 2, 1945, and a number of 60th anniversaries are planned for 2005.

The Digital Clubhouse Network is also eager to get local history teachers and their students involved in the project.

"If you put a face on history, history is a lot more interesting,'' Robert said. ``But we need to get more kids involved. We have a lot of veterans, but not enough youths.''

For more information about the Stories of Service project, go to
Contact Dana Hull at   or (408) 920-2706.

Non-Latinos Mine Southland's Mexican Market

Most entrepreneurs who cater to, and profit most, from immigrants' nostalgia for goods from home are not their countrymen.  

By Sam Quinones, Times Staff Writer
December 5, 2004
Sent by Viola Rodriguez Sadler

When hundreds of immigrants celebrated Mexico's Independence Day at an Anaheim parking lot, they transformed the tarmac into a boisterous village carnival. Vendors sold T-shirts with images of revolutionary Emiliano Zapata and his latter-day namesake, the Zapatista Revolutionary Army. Food stands hustled tacos and churros, sugary fried dough. The crowd cheered as an announcer called out the names of Mexican states.  

As the sun set, the classic norteño band Los Cadetes de Linares took the stage and played "Palomita Blanca." On that Orange County street corner, everything was cien por ciento Mexicano — 100% Mexican. Everything, that is, but the man staging the event.

Ted Holcomb doesn't speak Spanish. He has never been to Mexico. Yet he has learned to put on carnivals across Southern California that mirror the annual festivals that Mexican villages hold to honor their patron saints. "I have a closet full of [Spanish] books and tapes," Holcomb said. "I just don't have time to study them." Over the last decade, Holcomb has carved a sizable business niche by offering an echo of home to tens of thousands of Mexican immigrants.

He is not alone. The buying power of Southern California's 5 million or so Spanish-speakers, most of whom are Mexican, is measured in the billions of dollars. But most of the largest enterprises selling cherished parts of Mexican culture are owned by Koreans, Lebanese, Iranians, Israelis and nonimmigrant English speakers, people who have built their own American dream on Mexican immigrant dollars.

"You have these clever entrepreneurs who have seen an opening and they've really gone after it," said Waldo Lopez, a business consultant to the Tomas Rivera Policy Center at USC. Among the more notable examples:

•  El Gallo Giro, a seven-restaurant chain that resembles a typical Mexican taqueria, selling birria, atole, pozole and beef tongue tacos, is owned by Charles Bonaparte, a Frenchman.

•  La Curacao, the largest Southern California department store aimed entirely at Latino immigrants, is owned by Jerry and Ron Azarkman, brothers who came to the United States from Israel in the early 1970s. They started out selling electronics door to door in immigrant neighborhoods. La Curacao also holds the West Coast franchise for Pollo Campero, a wildly popular Guatemalan fried-chicken chain that is the reason that Guatemala is one of the few countries in the world with no Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurants.

•  The world's largest producer of traditional Mexican cheeses, Cacique, was started by Gilberto Cardenas, a Cuban immigrant. In the 1970s, he started making cheeses from Mexico's ranchero culture, including Cotija and Poblano. Cacique, which is based in La Puente, has 600 employees, 13 regional offices nationwide and a chorizo sausage plant in Utah.

•  Profiting from Mexican immigrants' fear of drinking tap water, virtually all the water stores in Southern California are owned by Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants. Wateria, the largest water-store franchise with 24 outlets, is owned by Un Soek Kim, a Korean. His office walls are decorated with census maps that show Southern California cities with populations that are 80% or more Latino.

•  With 600 stores, the shopping district around Pacific Avenue in Huntington Park has one of the highest concentrations of Mexican-oriented businesses in Southern California. Most of them are owned by Korean or Lebanese immigrants, who sell such goods as cowboy hats and ostrich-skin boots.

On the strip is a clothing store called Tres Hermanos, the same name as a nationally known chain of shoe stores in Mexico. The store, which also uses the same red, white and green logo, is owned by brothers from Lebanon. They have 25 branches across Southern California, all selling to Mexican immigrants.

These entrepreneurs meet a need unfilled by the largest Mexican companies, which, despite broad name recognition and capital, haven't dared enter the intensely competitive Southern California market. Only two nationally known Mexican retailers — Gigante supermarkets and Famsa furniture — have opened stores here.

Most Mexican immigrants, meanwhile — unlike many Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants — come here with little education and virtually no business experience. Many are here illegally. They are from a country where the ruling political party spent decades demonizing entrepreneurs and where banks cater only to the wealthy.

"I think that the regular Mexican guy, he just wants to work," said Ralph Hauser, a Mexican American music promoter in Pico Rivera. "They don't want to take a risk. They want to come to work, make $300, send it back to Mexico, with the idea of eventually going back someday."

Those who do start businesses often want them to grow only large enough to employ family members.

"They start a business, but then they're afraid to try something big," said Jose Luis Solorzano, owner of Paramount-based Calzada Diana, which distributes shoes and clothing nationwide. "I think people say, 'I have this little business. I'll just do this. If I do something else I might lose everything.' "

Thousands of local Mexicans have small businesses that serve their compatriots: bakeries, markets, restaurants, clothing shops and record stores. Mexican immigrants also own several large independent supermarket chains, Northgate Gonzalez, El Tapatio and Vallarta among them.

The Long Beach-based record label Cintas Acuario is owned by Pedro Rivera, an immigrant from Sonora. He has built a music empire on narcocorridos, ballads about Mexican drug smugglers. Fernando Lopez Mateos, an immigrant from the Mexican state of Oaxaca, has based a growing business empire on memories of home: two Oaxacan restaurants, an Oaxacan-oriented newspaper and a multibranch money-wire service.

Yet these are more the exception than the rule, which seems to be: Immigrants from elsewhere mine the potential of one of the world's wealthiest Mexican consumer markets more effectively than Mexicans themselves.

One high-profile example of non-Mexicans filling the void is Plaza Mexico. Situated on Long Beach Boulevard and the 105 Freeway in Lynwood, Plaza Mexico attempts to replicate a traditional Mexican downtown in a strip mall formerly anchored by a Montgomery Ward department store.

The plaza resembles Monte Alban, the ancient Indian ruins in Oaxaca. Its shops have the bold colors of a typical provincial town, and there is a shrine to the Virgin of Guadalupe.

The plaza's clock tower replicates the facade of the government palace in Guadalajara. The stone and the lamps that light the plaza are imported from Mexico. Even the tiles on the plaza contain occasional figures from loteria, a Mexican children's game.

The governor of the state of Nayarit donated a statue in honor of Mexican mothers that stands at one end of the plaza. And other Mexican governors make appearances there when visiting Southern California.

Plaza Mexico's developer is Donald Chae, a Korean immigrant who has labored to make his shopping center distinctly Mexican in the same way Chinatown is distinctly Chinese. He hired Luis Felipe Nieto, an archeologist and restoration expert from San Miguel Allende, Guanajuato, to advise on Mexican designs and colors.

Korean immigrants like Chae dominate even at Southern California's ubiquitous indoor swap meets, where they can be found picking up a little Spanish as they sell cowboy belts from Jalisco, Brown Pride T-shirts and pictures of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

Learning to sell to Mexican immigrants is fairly easy, say vendors. "You see what people are wearing and go from there," said John Kim, who, with his fiancee, helps run a jewelry stand in the Western Pico Indoor Swap Meet. "You have to be aware of what sells and what people want."

Holcomb, the Mexican festival organizer, learned his business at an indoor swap meet. Just out of college, Holcomb was hired in 1991 to promote the Anaheim Indoor Marketplace in a former White Front department store. At the time, the swap meet was a sleepy venue of two dozen vendors selling arts and crafts, mostly to English-speaking customers.

Holcomb knew nothing of marketing to Latinos or much about the local demographics. He was in Orange County, so to attract weekend crowds, he figured he could hire country bands to play. "Nobody would ever show up," he said. Then he spent $300 on a mariachi band, he said, "and everybody in Anaheim came."

Holcomb saw an opportunity and began holding Mexican-style carnivals throughout Southern California.  Although Holcomb has so far kept the carnival business to himself, competition is growing on other fronts as entrepreneurs discover the lesson Holcomb says he has discovered about Latinos:  "They have a lot of spending power, and they're not afraid to spend their money."

If you want other stories on this topic, search the Archives at


Extract: Toy makers discover Latinos
By David Kaplan, Houston Chronicle, December 10, 2004
Sent by Howard Shorr

Recent trends and statistics ought to grab the attention of toy makers. The number of Hispanic children in the United States is expected to increase 22 percent between 2001 and 2010, while the percentage of non-Hispanic children will decline slightly.

And according to a recent marketing study, Hispanic parents spend considerably more on toys for their children than do non-Hispanics. Despite such data, toy makers have been slow to court the Latino consumer.

Hispanics, with a buying power of $653 billion a year, make ideal consumers during the Christmas season, Rincon said, because they tend to spend generously on special occasions and "indulge their kids."

The reason toy makers were slow to act, he speculates, is misinformation about Hispanics living in poverty, when in fact many are high earners and prefer American brand names.

This summer, Fisher-Price launched a multimedia ad campaign in three markets — Houston, Los Angeles and Chicago — targeting parents of infants, toddlers and preschoolers.

The toy maker used television, radio, print and billboard media and set up booths at children's festivals. In Houston, Fisher-Price put up a 60-foot-by-60-foot playpen at a Fiestas Patrias celebration and the Latin American Children's Festival held in October.

The Fisher-Price TV ads, produced by San Antonio-based Market Vision, feature Hispanic mothers watching their children playing with Peek-A-Blocks toys and Little People playsets, unlike the typical Fisher-Price commercials that show children alone.

"We wanted to get very personal with the Latino mom," said Brenda Andolina, senior marketing manager for brand development at Fisher-Price. "Latino moms are interested in giving their children all the advantages in the English-speaking world while keeping strong heritage ties," Andolina said.

As toy companies and other retailers go after the Hispanic dollar, they will find many categories of Latino consumer, Rincon said. For example, there are huge differences between native-born and foreign-born Hispanics, he said. They will also find that Hispanics are subject to the same market forces as anyone else, said Rincon, who noted, "It's a tough economy right now."

For Younger Latinas, a Shift to Smaller Families
by Mireya Navarro, December 5, 2004
Sent by John Inclan

Rocío Yñiguez grew up in a family of seven children in Jalisco, Mexico. She remembers how friends of her parents proudly displayed a clock in their living room with a picture of each of their 12 children, a son or daughter for every hour.

Ms. Yñiguez, 35, a department store cashier who now lives in Redwood City in the San Francisco Bay area, said she could not imagine having more than the three children she has, not if she wants to educate them and ferry them to soccer games, dance lessons and play dates. And she does not want to diverge from the goal that brought her to this country.

"You need to work to get ahead, and with children it's too hard," she said.

Her decision to stop at three has made her part of a trend that is catching some demographers by surprise. Latina women are choosing to have smaller families, in some cases resisting the social pressures that shaped the Hispanic tradition of big families.

Latinos became the country's largest minority partly because they had the highest fertility rate among the major ethnic groups. But that fertility rate is on the decline as more women work at a younger age, achieve higher levels of education and postpone marriage, all of which affects when they will give birth and how often, sociologists who study Hispanic trends say.

In California, with the largest Hispanic population, state demographers recently scaled back their population projections for 2040 by nearly seven million people, citing as one major reason the continuing drop in the fertility rate of Latina women to 2.6 children per woman in 2003, from 2.8 in 1997 and 3.4 in 1990. Nationally the fertility rates for Latinas dropped to 2.7 children in 2002 from 2.9
in the early 90's (although the rate has risen in some states with newer immigrant populations, like Georgia and North Carolina).

Demographers say the decline is significant because of the size of the Latino population - about 40 million - and the implications for long-term needs tied to population growth. In California, for example, the increase in the school-age population will not be as striking as was anticipated, some

"It means Latinos, men and women, are increasing their options of what kind of life they're going to have," said William Frey, a demographer with the Brookings Institution in Washington who studies race and ethnic change. Family may still come first, Mr. Frey said, but compromises may be necessary. Now, he said, "they're like everybody else."

Assimilation into the American lifestyle is certainly fueling the trend. Studies by the Public Policy Institute of California, a research organization in San Francisco, show that American-born Latinas have a much lower fertility rate (2.2) than that of immigrant Latinas (3.1) in the state.

But the studies also show that the rate for immigrant women has dropped 30 percent over the last decade, reflecting birth trends in home countries like Mexico.

Isis Moran, a 19-year-old from Santa Ana in Orange County, said she planned to have two or three children, even though her Mexican-born mother, Viviana Abalo de Moran, 42, warns her she might regret having that few. At her daughter's age Mrs. Moran was already married and pregnant with the first of her five girls. She is one of 11 siblings, all of whom, she said, had to work in the fields in Mexico and most of whom did not get past elementary school.

"I asked my mom, 'Why so many children?' " said Viviana Moran, who by 14 had left for California. "It was ignorance. They didn't know how to take care of themselves in those days. My mother started taking the pill after the 11th child."

Mrs. Moran, a nurse assistant, said she had five daughters while trying for a baby boy to please her husband. But she likes the idea of a full dinner table at Thanksgiving and Christmas, she said, and warns her daughters to think "how you'll feel with a table with just two children."

Her daughter, a sophomore at Cornell University who hopes to pursue a career in politics, said she would feel just fine. "It's not that the family is not a priority," Ms.Moran said. "It's just that there's other things involved. If I'm going to have the profession I'm looking into, it would be rough on a big family."

The resolve to limit their families has led some women to an extreme choice. Digna Campos said she would have been happy with only one child, her 9-year-old daughter. But when her contraceptive - the patch - failed, she found herself pregnant with her second baby. Last month Ms. Campos, 35, joined seven other Hispanic women attending a class on female sterilization at Kaiser Permanente Los
Angeles Medical Center. The women watched a graphic video in Spanish that showed the actual surgery and a dramatization of its pros and cons.

"It's like saying goodbye to a part of myself," a woman in the video said in the melodramatic style of a telenovela. There was not a wet eye in the room. Afterward the women, including Ms. Campos, signed the form consenting to a tubal sterilization after her second child is born.

"You want the best for your children, and I can give everything to two," explained Ms. Campos, a lobby attendant at a Los Angeles hotel, who emigrated from El Salvador in 1988. "More than two would be too difficult."

In their quest for smaller families, Latina women say, quality of life is paramount for those who came from big families themselves and felt crowded and neglected. Latinas still have higher fertility rates than non-Hispanic white and black women and other groups, and outreach workers say many women still contend with machismo and social and religious pressures to procreate.

Some agencies said that Latina women must still contend with poor access to health care because of the lack of health insurance or bilingual services.

"Latinas don't see health care providers as often as other women of color," said Silvia Enriquez, the director of the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health in New York. "The structural barriers of not having health insurance and culturally appropriate health care are still there."

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

University of Norte Dame announcements 
Sent by Dorinda Moreno
Source: CLICA

The Institute for Latino Studies (ILS) at the University of Notre Dame & Center for Women’s InterCultural Leadership (CWIL) at Saint Mary’s College in Indiana are pleased to announce that the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) have awarded a grant to Poetas y Pintores: Poets Conversing with Verse

A multidisciplinary proposal, "Poetas y Pintores" will pair a group of Latino/a visual artists with the work of a select group of Latino/a poets. Each artist will spend a year in "dialogue" with the work of a particular poet and produce an original work of art. The results—both work of art and poem that inspired it—will form a traveling exhibit that will be displayed in 2006 in galleries in Los Angeles, Chicago, and New York, as well as the Moreau Galleries at Saint Mary’s College. Invited artists and poets will take part in readings and collquiums at the various venues. Stay tuned for more information, including the list of poets and painters who will form a part of this two-year initiative. Meanwhile, visit the NEA website to read the official announcement:


FRANCISCO ARAGÓN is pleased to announce that Momotombo Press has published a new title and has a new home. With the publication of Arroyo by Lisa Gonzales, MP initiates its venture into prose, and celebrates its new home: the Institute for Latino Studies at the University of Notre Dame, where Aragón is a Fellow. Of Arroyo, Helena Maria Viramontes writes in her introduction: "There is nothing more exciting than discovering a rising light in American literature. No doubt, the work of Lisa Gonzales will shine bright. It already dazzles." Visit their new website to read an e-interviews with Lisa Gonzales—conducted by Maria Meléndez, who has joined Richard Yañez has Associate Editors at Momotombo Press. And stay tuned for an e-interview with Steven Cordova, author of Slow Dissolve, which inaugurated MP’s mission to promote emerging Latino writers. Again, please visit:

Francisco Aragón, Editor Momotombo Press
Institute for Latino Studies
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, IN 46556
(574) 631-2882

USHCC International Business Conference
On Feb. 2nd -4th, 2005, together with over 300 participants from the United States and Mexico including Hispanic entrepreneurs, business leaders, dignitaries and a wide range of representatives from the public and private sectors, the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce will kick off 2005 with an International Business Conference, "Bridging Business Opportunities between Mexican and U.S. Hispanic Entrepreneurs," in Villahermosa, Tabasco.  The USHCC International Business Conference will include workshops that will focus on business opportunities in Mexico; U.S. and Mexican Trade Regulations; and Financing Products and Services to the U.S. Hispanic Market.  To register online, visit   You may also call J.R. Gonzales or Maria Alanis at 202-842-1212 for more information. 
Source: Latin Business Association eNewsletter

National Association of Hispanic Journalists Blast Coverage of Latinos on Network News 
Sent by Howard Shorr

NAHJ Discouraged by the Overall Lack of Coverage of Latinos on Network Evening News
December 13, 2004
Media Contact: Joseph Torres (202) 662-7143
Michelle Vignoli (202) 662-7413

Washington, D.C. - The National Association of Hispanic Journalists is once again discouraged by the lack of coverage of Latinos on the network evening newscasts of ABC, CBS, CNN and NBC which collectively are among the major sources of television news in the country. 

NAHJ today released its 9th Annual Network Brownout Report and found that out of 16,000 stories that aired on the network evening newscasts in 2003, only 131 stories, or 0.82 percent, were exclusively about Latinos. This was an increase from 2002 when there were 120 stories about Latinos (0.75 percent). 

While the portrayal of Latinos improved slightly in 2003, network coverage of Latinos remained dismal given the growth and importance of the nation’s Latino community. Latinos make up close to 14 percent of the U.S. population. 

Out of 639 hours of network news stories that aired in 2003 (38,325 minutes), a scant 0.63 percent (4 hours and 2 minutes) was dedicated to Latino stories. 

And overall, the percentage of Latinos on screen virtually failed to register. The report found that Latinos did not often appear in non-Latino related stories. Out of 16,000 stories that aired in 2003, Latinos appeared as sources in an estimated 285 non-Latino stories (1.8 percent). Interviews with Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, California Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante and New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson accounted for 40 percent of this total. 

The sobering reality is that U.S. households were hard pressed to view any story about Latinos in 2003. Out of nearly 350 stories that aired on the network evening news each week, a little more than two stories were about Latinos. 

"The fact that the 30 million people who watch these news shows rarely see us or only see us in certain ways is a true disservice to our society as a whole," said Iván Román, executive director of NAHJ. "While we acknowledge that the portrayal of Latinos improved in 2003, the virtual absence of Latinos on the evening news contributes to the skewed views about people that continue to feed stereotypes, breeding discrimination, ignorance, mistrust and disrespect. We must do better." 

NAHJ believes that the lack of diversity throughout the ranks of the network news divisions is a major reason why Latinos remain almost invisible on the evening news. NAHJ has repeatedly called on the networks to make their racial and ethnic newsroom employment figures public. But, so far, they have refused our requests. 

The Brownout report also found that the majority of Latino stories that aired in 2003 covered a limited number of topics. Overall, 44 percent of Latino stories were about immigration (30 stories) and crime (27 stories). That figure climbs to 55 percent when human-interest stories (15 stories) are included and to 73 percent when the topics of election politics (11 stories) and celebrities (12 stories) are added. 

Despite the overall lack of coverage, Latinos were more positively portrayed in news coverage in 2003. For example, the number of human-interest stories increased from 3 in 2002 to 15 in 2003. Many of these stories profiled the service and sacrifice made by Latino soldiers. 

NAHJ also conducted, for the first-time ever, a content audit of network stories that aired over a five-day period (Oct. 20-24, 2003) to better understand how Latinos appeared in stories during a typical news week. The audit revealed that out of 241 stories that aired during this time, not a single story was exclusively about Latinos. In all, only four stories included Latinos as new sources. 

Other major findings included:
The overall number of crime stories declined from 47 stories (39%) in 2002 to 27 stories (21%)  2003. 
Stories about Latinos lacked diversity of viewpoint and opinion. 
Of the 131 stories about Latinos, 43 percent did not cite a single source. 
In addition, 58 percent did not feature an interview with a Latino. 
Several stories, regardless of topic, portrayed Latinos as immigrants seeking a better life in the U.S.. 
Immigration and crime stories portrayed Latinos as victims. 
In previous years, Latinos were more often featured as perpetrators of crime or burdens to society. 
Latino soldiers killed or wounded in Iraq were portrayed as heroes. 
Several stories about politics focused on the growing influence of the Latino vote. 

This year’s Network Brownout Report was conducted by Dr. Federico Subervi, a media consultant and scholar living in Austin, Texas. For more than 20 years, he has been teaching, conducting research, and publishing on issues related to the mass media and ethnic groups, especially U.S. Latinos. 

The Network Brownout report can be downloaded on the NAHJ Web site at:

[[Editor: Although this letter makes reference to Black-American students, I believe that the reasons for low academic achievement of Hispanic/Latino American students are the same.]]

Editor, Time Magazine November 27, 2004

Dear Editor:
In response to your article; Closing The Gap, Nov. 29,2004 issue. I believe that some of the reasons for the low Academic Achievement of our Black-American students, are: 
1-Lost of optimism towards life, in general and the values of education--in particular. 
2-Lack of hard work, personnel responsibility and strong parent involvement.

Newly arrived foreign students, such as; Asians, Arabs and even Africans--out performed our Black students, in the same classrooms. Because they are still optimist about learning and getting ahead. And they see education as a means to acquire the American dream--and they are willing to work hard for it. Plus their parents are very involved in their daily educational development!

However, there is an educational program that destroyed the myth--that students of Color, can't learn and have a strong avoidance to Math and Science. That program is called; MESA--Math, Engineering and Science Achievement. It has been in existence since 1970, staring at UC Berkeley and in the Bay Area schools. MESA now enjoys 11 Statewide representation--and has deposited over Approx:30,000 students of Color and Females, on our major University Campuses--across America! MESA has a 90% placement of students of Color and Females--into the Math, Science and Engineering fields of study and respected career fields. MESA is truly a instrument of diversity--through educational preparedness. The right way!!

MESA nationwide, is currently in about 400 schools, 150 Schools Districts, 23 Community Colleges and is being sponsor and manage by Approx: 75 nationwide Universities. And is now serving about 40,000 students of Color and Females. MESA staff, teachers and School Districts Administers, accomplish this difficult and successful task--through increase students self-esteem, high teacher/student expectation, hard work, student personnel responsibility and initiative. Plus strong parent and community involvement. And they do this all on a shoestring budget! I've been involved and a supporter of MESA, since 1975. 

Thanking you in advance--and have a fine American Day!

Willis Papillion, A participant in the struggle for equal education for--all our students!!
Interim Director, Kitsap Peninsula MESA Education Center
1578 Reo PL.,NW
Silverdale, WA 98383

For more on MESA go to:

Extract: Pollsters Debate Hispanics' Presidential Voting
By Darryl Fears, Washington Post,  November 26, 2004
Sent by Howard Shorr

 …… public opinion researchers are trying to determine the reasons for the discrepancies between the pre- and post-election numbers.

Sergio Bendixen, a Miami-based public opinion researcher who helped survey Hispanics for the New Democrat Network in the District, said the answer lies in the diversity among Hispanics, the largest ethnic group in the United States.

The Spanish speakers come, or descend from those, from different nations -- Spain, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Colombia and Cuba, to name a few -- and identify racially as white, black, some other race and Asian. Their numbers include newly arrived immigrants and families whose descendants lived in the United States before the Civil War. As a group, they favor federal spending but adhere to conservative values on issues such as abortion, stem cell research and same-sex marriage.

Bendixen, president of Bendixen and Associates, which specializes in the Hispanic market, said early polls did not engage Hispanics correctly.  Bendixen cited Zogby International, which he said conducted 13 percent of its interviews with Hispanics in Spanish on its way to predicting that Kerry would win 61 percent of the community's vote. It was a mistake, Bendixen said, to poll less than 40 percent of the Hispanic community in its  native language.  "You have to have the right ratio," Bendixen said, or the poll will be thrown off.

Rep. Bob Beauprez (R-Colo.) said Republicans gained more Hispanic voters by appealing to their conservative values. "They stood up for traditional values, whether it was life or against gay marriage," he said.

Simon Rosenberg, president of the New Democrat Network, said Bush's appeal to Hispanics is clear: As a former governor of Texas, the president has a better grasp than his opponent of immigrant issues. Bush's brother Jeb, governor of Florida, speaks Spanish like a native Cuban and appealed directly to Latino voters on the president's behalf. The president's nephew George P. Bush is a rising star in the Republican Party.

"The relationship of the Bush family to Hispanics is something like Bill Clinton's relationship with African Americans," Rosenberg said.  In addition, the president made high-level Hispanic appointments, including that of Alberto R. Gonzales, first as White House counsel and recently as his nominee for attorney general. Bush's first trip abroad after the election was to Chile and Colombia.

"Would any Democratic president have ever thought of that?" Rosenberg asked. "Democrats have a legacy with Hispanics. But Republicans have a modern strategy. Their strategy is changing the rules, and Democrats have to adapt. It is a sea change."

 "A lot of the Democratic leadership grew up in the civil rights era," Rosenberg said. "They were in this black and white fight that took place in the '60s. That's how they grew up in the political world.

 "Now what we're facing is a new conversation, and we have a lot of people who are invested in the old conversation. We have to court both [[Democrats and Republicans]]. It cannot be framed as a choice."




Albizu, Albiso, Albisu, Albissu, Arbiso, Arbisso, Arbisu, Arbissu, Arbizo, Arbizu, Alvizu, Alviso, Alvisso, Alvisu, Alvissu, Arviso, Arvisu, Arvissu, Arvizo, Arvizu.

Click for Colonial Arvizu information or for an Arvizu family in California

The Arvizu name has various spellings. Some have variations from the spellings translated, in Spain, from the original Basque into Castillian Spanish and some have been misspelled over the course of history. My grandfather Abran (Abraham) Arvizu has it misspelled as Alvizo in the 1880 census.  In many of the old Spanish/ Mexican Mission records, I have found people within the same family using different spellings of the name.  This gives tracking the family name just that many more possibilities.

There are 3 coats-of-arms shown for "Arbizu" and another  5 coats-of-arms for the name Albizu.

The Encyclopaedia del Pais Vasco says that the family name comes from the town of the same name in the judicial district of Pamplona and that it passed from there to Guipuzcoa and Aragon. In the library at San Sebastian there was also an encyclopedia of Navarra and it showed Arbizu (basque spelling Arbitzu shown in parenthesis) in Navarra. The meaning of the surname is derived from hay-meadow. The Encyclopedia of Navarra has a separate listing for Albizu (Albitzu), a now abandoned village in Alava.
These two spellings go back a long way. The versions with v, s and o appear to be variants created by Spanish-speakers in the "New World". Z in Spanish, after all, is dentalized. I was forever having my pronunciation corrected - Spaniards would remind me that I should say "theta" - or that is what it sounds like. This is not true for Basque, in which it sounds more like 'ts' so I quess they tended to write it with an s in New Spain. The other variations just reflect what it sounded like to the people who wrote it down, I suppose.   Raclare, John Arvizu  

Hi John,  This is interesting. I can tell you, while traveling Spain and some of the countries in Central and South America, you go across some of the ones you named.....  Do a little might end up inheriting castles in southern Spain, villas in Peru or haciendas in Mexico !!!!
Ignacio Gavilan  McDonald's Business Unit, Latin America Region

Spanish and Portuguese Heraldry
Sent by Bill Carmena

Genealogical research is never complete unless it also includes some heraldic research. It is exciting to find out about those individuals that share our surnames. Heraldic research often brings new leads and insights. On rare occasions, it can be, the crowning achievement of ones research.

Begin your Spanish and Portuguese Heraldry research with the understanding that just because there is a coat of arms listed somewhere for your surname, you are not necessarily a relative of the owner or entitled to use it. Sometimes, however, you are entitled to use those arms. If this happens to you, we strongly recommend that you claim these arms legally and display them proudly. They are a symbol of your heritage and they represent your family.

The English speaking literature is replete with works on English Heraldry. Most of this work is excellent and many of the illustrations are beautiful. The problem is that there is very little material, in English, on Spanish and Portuguese Heraldry and there are some very important differences between English Heraldry and its Spanish and Portuguese counterparts.

The following is an attempt to remedy the situation by putting out information that is specific to Spanish and Portuguese Heraldry. If enough people find this information useful, we will be happy to expand on it.

Webmaster Al Sosa


Below are the surnames and issue in which a specific surname was featured in the heraldry column.  This is not to imply that information on other surnames have not been included.  

Please run a surname GOOGLE search for your surname of interest by reviewing all of the Somos Primos issues simply with the use of  . .

De la Libertad
Ortiz and Ortega

November 2003
February 2004
September 2002
September 2004
May 2004
June/October 2004
April 2004
November 2004
April 2002
July 2002
August 2002
May 2002
September 2003
January 2003
February 2003
October 2002
April 2003
August 2003
June 2002
June 2003
July 2003
May 2003
October 2003
July 2004
December 2002
March 2003
December 2004
August 2004
March 2004
November 2002
December 2003



Galvez Patriots

Spain's California and Arizona Patriots digitized and online!!
Presidio Canon and Garner House Monterey 1890 
The Texas connection to the American Revolution
Book: Spain and the Independence of the United States: an Intrinsic Gift 


The Complete text of Granville and N.C. Hough's research are now online for the following studies:

Presidio Canon and Garner House Monterey 1890 

Sent by Paul Trejo

These are historic photo taken from the hill on the present day Presidio of Monterey, near the site of the Sloat Monument, overlooking Monterey Bay. The canon is one of two still on the hill. The photo dates from about 1890. The canon in the foreground appears to be a 32 pounder, long gun, meaning it fired a 32 pound canon ball. This was basically the main stay heavy artillery used by all nations until the 1850s, when "rifled barrel" guns were first developed in England. This canon may indeed be part of the old battery used to defend Monterey when Hippolyte Bouchard and his pirates entered Monterey Bay on November 18th, 1818, with the ships Santa Rosa and Argentina, and proceeded to ravage the town and surrounding countryside. According to the prominent California Historian, Charles E. Chapman, in his "A History of California, The Spanish Period ", the canons used to defend the town were said to be of eight guns, in command of a Sergeant Manuel Gomez. Another battery of three guns was improvised on the beach, and placed in command of a Corporal Jose Vallejo.

The house at the far right in the middle of the photograph with the two outside, and one inside chimneys, is the house of  my great great grandfather, William Robert Garner of Monterey. Garner was very prominent in early California history. Among other things, he was secretary to Walter Colton the Acalde of Monterey. William Garner married Francisca Butron, who's grandfather was Manuel Butron, the Spanish Bluecoat Soldado. Butron came to Monterey with Father Junipero Serra in 1771, and is buried inside the Carmel Mission. He was in Serra's personal guard for many years. William Robert Garner was killed by Indians on May 15, 1849. The site of the Garner house is now part of a city park.

Other items of interest in this photograph is the long white street that runs in front of the Garner House and ends abruptly at the foot of the hill. This is present day Pacific Street that merges into present day Lighthouse Avenue. The finger pier extending into the bay is the site of the present day Commercial Wharf. What appears to be a long breakwater extending across the center of the picture is a long dyke with the Monterey Beach and ocean on one side, and present day Lake El Estero on the other. It was constructed to support the railroad tracks which are still there. If one looks carefully, a railroad station house is visible with freight cars in front of it, and two freight cars on the tracks behind it. Later, much of Lake El Estero was filled in to it's present day size, with present day Del Monte Boulevard running along the lake. 
                                                        Sincerely,  Paul


Hi Cousin,
A while back, you asked me about the canons used in the defense of Monterey when Hippolyte Bouchard and his pirates entered Monterey Bay on November 20th, 1818, with the ships Santa Rosa and Argentina. The canons used to defend the town were said to be of eight guns, in command of a Sergeant Manuel Gomez. Another battery of three guns was improvised on the beach, and placed in charge of Corporal Jose Vallejo. I have photographs of two cannons, which are still on the hill of the present Presidio of Monterey, over looking Monterey Bay. They appear to be 32 pounder "long barrel" canons. I'm not sure of the origin of these gun, but I suspect they date from the "Spanish Period" and may in fact be part of the old Spanish battery.

Artillery was classified in those days by the weight of the round canon balls they fired. A 24 pounder fired a cannon ball that weighed 24 pounds. Most US Frigates of those times (1812) had a main armament of 32 of these 24 pounder long guns. They also had two long barreled 32 pounder on the stern of the ship, as "stern chasers". The best account of the battle with Bouchard that I have found is in Charles E. Chapman's "A History Of California: The Spanish Period' published by MacMillan Company, New York, 1926, which I have in my library.

The art of cannon making remained fairly constant throughout the world for several hundred years, and all artillery were basically "Smooth Bores" until the late 1850s and early1860s when the first "Rifle Barreled" gun began to appear, first in England, and then in the United States. Rear Admiral John A. Dahlgren, USN, developed the largest "smooth" bore ever, a 15 inch diameter monster that fired a 350 pound shell propelled by 35 pounds of powder. This gun weighed 42,000 pound, and never saw active service, probably because it's recoil would destroy the deck of any ship it was fired from. The largest Naval gun to be used in the Civil War was a 11 inch smooth bore which weighed 16,000 pounds, and fired a 136-pound shell with 15 pounds of gunpowder behind it. About this time, explosive shells had largely replacing the canon ball, but not in the case of several of the old frigates left over from the war of 1812. The Constitution and the Constellation come to mind.

Pray tell, I was curious why a "Land Lubber" like you was interested in "canons". As and old Naval Gunnery Officer, this type of thing has always been a big part of my naval history.  
Warmest Regards
Cousin Paul 

By permission, Paul Trejo

The Old Mission of Santa Barbara was founded December 4, 1786 by Fray Fermín Lasuén.
Every year on December 4th a Feast is held with special breads honoring St. Barbara after whom Mission Santa Barbara in Santa Barbara, California was named. This year was very special because the statue of St. Barbara was beautifully repaired.
Click for more information: Statue 

The Soldados of the Presidio of Santa Barbara celebrate the December 4th event by firing canons.

Named cannons from El Presidio State Historic Park are lined up for the salute.  Names of cannons from left to right are: "Principe" for the current Prince of Asturias, Felipe de Borbon; "Fernando", for Captain Fernando Rivera y Moncada, who first recruited soldiers for Santa Barbara; and "Pedrero", named for a similar cannon that was at the Presidio in Santa Barbara in 1793.

For more Information contact Michael Harwick

The Texas connection to the American Revolution

*People all over the world, thanks to Hollywood movies and television, know about the great Texas long-horn cattle drives out of South Texas to the railheads in Kansas and elsewhere during the years following the Civil War. Very few people, however, are aware of the fact that Texas longhorns were trailed by Spanish Texans nearly one hundred years before the time usually ascribed to cattle drives. Although a few historians have known and written about the Texas cattle drives to Louisiana in 1779, only recently has their main purpose been discovered, which makes them doubly significant. The first formally authorized drives out of Texas went east, not north, and their purpose was to provide food for the Spanish forces of General Bemardo de Galvez (after whom Galveston is named), who fought and finally defeated the British all along the Gulf Coast from Louisiana to Florida during the American Revolution.

After the Battle of Saratoga, France, Spain, and Holland joined the American colonists in their unequal fight against Great Britain. After Spain decided to declare war against Great Britain on May 8, 1779, King Carlos III commissioned Louisiana Governor Bemardo de Galvez to raise and lead Spanish forces in a campaign against the British along the Gulf Coast. Accordingly, Galvez proceeded to raise an army of fourteen hundred men, which by 1781 had swelled to more than seven thousand. Then as now, the military axiom that "an army travels on its stomach" held true.

But Galvez knew where the food supply was; better yet, he knew where there was a veritable "traveling commissary" for his troops-on the Spanish ranches in the San Antonio River Valley.

In order to feed his troops, Galvez sent an emissary, Francisco Garcia, with a letter to the new Texas Governor Domingo Cabello, both requesting and formally authorizing the first official cattle drive out of Texas. Garcia arrived in San Antonio de Bexar on June 20, 1779 (the very day before Spain formally declared war against England), and by August, two thousand head of Texas cattle, gathered from the ranches of the missions and pri-vate individuals in the Bexar-La Bahia region, were on their way to Galvez's forces in Louisiana.

During the remainder of the American Revolution (1779-1782), some ten to fifteen thousand head of Texas cattle were rounded up on the ranches between Bexar and La Bahia, taken to Presidio La Bahia, and assembled into trail herds. From there, Texas beef were trailed northeastward to Nacogdoches, Natchitoches, and thence to Opelousas for distribution to the Spanish forces under Galvez.

Spanish Texas rancheros and their vaqueros, some of whom were mission Indians, trailed these cattle. Soldiers from Presidio San Antonio de Bexar, El Fuerte del Cibolo, and Presidio La Bahia escorted the herds. Several hundred head of horses were also sent along for cavalry and artillery purposes. Extant records even indicate that a few soldiers from Texas were recruited to fight with Galvez's army.

The upshot of the story is this: Fueled in part by Texas beef-Texas longhorns no less-Spanish troops took to the field and waterways in the late summer of 1779 and defeated the British in battles at Manchac. Baton Rouge, and Natchez. (This sounds like the Civil War, but it isn't. It's the American Revolution!)

Early the next year, after a month-long siege by land and sea, Galvez, with more than two thousand men under his command, captured the British strong-hold of Fort Charlotte at Mobile on March 14, 1780. The climax to the Gulf Coast campaign occurred the following year when Galvez directed a two-pronged land and sea attack on Pensacola, the British capital of West Florida. More than seven thousand men, including a part of the French fleet, were involved in the two-month siege of Fort George before its capture on May 10,1781.

Thus, it becomes clear that the "Texas Connection with the American Revolution" was the beef that was trailed and delivered to the Spanish forces that defeated the British along the Gulf Coast from Louisiana to Florida. Without Texas beef, Galvez would not have triumphed over the British so handily, and the War for American Independence could have ended quite differently. It is a story that every Texan can be very proud of. Indeed, our Texas, in a most interesting, unique, and fitting way, had a steak in the winning of the American Revolution.

Story by Judge Robert Thonhoff
author of "The Texas Connection With the American Revolution"

Purpose of "TCARA"

The purposes of this Association are to be patriotic, historical, and educational, and shall include those intended or designed to perpetuate the memory of those patriots who by their service or sacrifices during the war of the American Revolution, achieved the independence of the American people; to unite and promote fellowship among fellow Texans, to inspire them and the community-at-large with a more profound reverence for the principles of the government founded by our forefathers; to encourage historical research in relation to the Texas involvement in the American Revolution; to acquire and preserve the records of the individual services of the patriots of the war, as well as documents, relics, and landmarks; to mark the scenes of the Texas involvement in the American Revolution by appropriate memorials; to celebrate the prominent events of the Texas involvement and the Texas colonial period; to foster true Texas and American patriotism; to maintain and extend the institutions of American freedom and to carry out the purposes expressed in the preamble of the Constitution of the United States of America.

Officers & Charter Members:
President-Jack V Cowan Secretary-RoseMarie LaPenta Treasurer-David Smith Historian-Judge Robert Thonhoff, Jesse Benavides, David A. Benavides, Tito & Angelia Fernandez, Richard Garza, Robert D. Gonzalez, Corinne Staacke, Sylvia Carvajal Sutton Eileen Trevino Villarreal, Nancy Hogan, San Antonio Mayor Ed Garza

For information call: Jack Cowan (210) 651-4709 website:

To join, send $25. to Rosemarie LaPenta, secretary
P.O. Box 690696
San Antonio, TX 78269

* Text taken from brochure.



January 22, SHHAR Quarterly 
January 29, Living Legends 
Snow Goose Global Thanksgiving 
Wells Fargo Invests $1 Million


Society of Hispanic Historical & Ancestral Research 
Quarterly  Meeting
January 22, 2005

674 S. Yorba 
Orange, CA  

Guest speaker: 

Yolanda Alvarez, President Orange County Mexican American Historical Society
Ms. Alvarez Will share the mission and history of OCMAHS. OCMAHS has produced a calendar which features photos of early Orange County Mexican American families.  The calendars will be available for purchase. 
Following the meeting, beginners will be helped to start their own family history, or to request assistance in their research.  For more information call, please call,  (714) 894-8161.   
Quarterly meetings are open to the public. No cost. No membership required. 
Come and enjoy!   This is an opportunity to meet other researchers in Southern CA. 

One evening dance concert performance 
of the 
Living Legends
January 29th, 2005 7:30 pm 

Irvine California United States Irvine Barclay Theatre, Cheng Hall Ryan Parker

Presented by the Brigham Young University School of Music and hosted by BYU Alumni Association Living Legends combines dynamic choreography of native American choreographies with the color and vitality of the dances of Polynesian and Latin American dances. Performed by talented descendants of these cultures and woven together by traditional and contemporary music, Living Legends' program is a stunning tribute to the ancient cultures of the Americas and the Pacific. Living Legends has performed throughout the United States and in more than 45 foreign countries. Featured on national TV in China, Eastern Europe, and Latin America, it represented the United States at the 1992 World's Fair in Seville, Spain and at the 1991 German-American Volksfest in Berlin.

LIVING LEGENDS, Dance Concert Program

North America: Eagle/ Yakima Swan
The eagle is sacred to natives of North America, representing strength, courage, and wisdom. To Native Americans from the Pacific North West, the Swan dance honors their relationship with the elements of water, beauty, and the white swan who exemplifies the female gender or givers of life.

Ecuador: Sanjuanito
The music of the Andes echoes over high, windswept plains and grassy valleys, breathing the essence of ancient sivilizations.

Hawaii: Ka Huaka'i Pele
The graceful dances of ancient Hawaii depict the legends of the gods and goddesses.

North America: Buffalo
Long ago the buffalo gave himself so the Zuni people could live.

Guatemala: Ixim Winaq 
The people of corn show gratitude to Heart of Sky, Heart of Earth through their devoted care of their crops and families.

Samoa: Sasa, Lapa Lapa, Slap
Young Samoans show their energy and love for life in the lively Sasa and Lapa Lapa, and young men prove their skill and agility in the powerful slap dance.

characterized by the women's graceful movements, the costumes in this dance are made from the world famous Nanduti Spider Lace.

North America: Bow and Arrow
This dance depicts reverence for the bow and arrow's aid in providing sustenance and protection and also honors past warriors.

Tahiti: Vahine Rahi E, Ote'a, Aparima
From the "Pearl of the Sea", the rhythms of life are presented through the tamure and staccato beats of the toere drums.

Argentina: Malambo, Escondido
The Malambo comes to life around the campfires of Argentina as the gauchos (men) and paisanas (women) prepare to hide and then find each other in the flirtatious Escondido.

North America: Jingle and Grass
To the Ojibwe Tribe in Minnesota, the jingle dress, first seen in a dream by the tribe's medicine man, is said to have special healing powers. The grass dancers imitate the tall, flowing sweet grass of the prairie. This nourishing grass symbolizes the balance between man and nature

Colombia: Agiiacero de Mayo 
Indigenous instruments, African rhythms, and European melodies blend in a dance that expresses the multicultural flavor of Colombia.

Alaska: Yupik
The stories, told through the hands of the dancers, tell the exploits of fishing and building friendships.

Bolivia: Caporales 
This dance represents the skill and power of the caporal. His whip represents his strength, the rattles on his boots represent the sound of chains, and his elaborate costume represents his pride and wealth.

North America: Warrior's Suite
This dance portrays honor and respect for all Native American warriors.

Fiji: Meke-I-Wau, Miri Leie, Meke-Ni-Waqavuka 
The power ofFijian warriors contrasts with the joy of their traditional music.

New Zealand: Wero, Hine Matioro, Haka
The Maori people of New Zealand sing greetings to visitors, the women tell the legends of their people using the "Poi", and the young men show their preparations for war through the "Haka".

Mexico: Aztec 
Representing an Aztec ritual from Southern Mexico, this dance honors the great white god, Ce Acati Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl.

Hawaii: Kumilipo, E Pua Ana Ka Makani 
A spirit of love influences every aspect of Hawaiian life. Good things brought from other cultures are welcomed in the "Spirit of Aloha".

North America: Fancy
The women's Fancy dance shows the emergence of the butterfly and the beginning of a new direction in life. The men's Fancy dance depicts the warriors' ventures in the battle field.

Tonga: Ma'ulu'ulu, Laka Laka
The grace and beauty of the Tongans is reflected in the "Laka Laka".

North America: Hoop Dance
The hoop symbolizes eternity to the Native Americans. Hoop dancers use this symbol to honor the creations of Mother Earth.

Mexico: Fiesta
Traditional dances capture the soul of Mexico with their intricate footwork, beautiful dresses and energetic music.

North America: Go My Son
A wise chief teaches that family and education are the keys to success and happiness.


Snow Goose Global Thanksgiving  
Sunday, November 28, 2004
Strangers give thanks for their friendship
by YVETTE CABRERA, Register columnist
Sent by Anthony Garcia,

After all the turkey and stuffing and mashed potatoes I've had over the years, I thought I understood what Thanksgiving is all about.  I thought it was about family, about giving thanks for what we have, celebrating friendships.

I thought I understood its meaning until this year, when I traveled to Oceanside to a ranch filled with strangers who came together for the Snow Goose Global Thanksgiving festival.

Anthony Garcia, a Santa Ana College instructor, dances with Angel Valenzuela of Mar Vista at the Snow Goose Global Thanksgiving event in Oceanside.
Photo by: Daniel A. Anderson, OC Register

It's one of the chilliest days yet, and those who walk through the gates are wrapped in jackets and sport snow boots. More than 1,000 people show up despite the wintry weather on the Sunday before Thanksgiving to share a feast at the home of author and screenwriter Victor Villaseñor.

There's entertainment and food – steaming tamales, turkey, lasagna, pasta salad, rice and beans, pita bread, fried chicken, pies of every kind. Most of all there is goodwill, something that's often hard to spot in the world we live in, insulated in our cars and preoccupied by our cell phones.

Anthony Garcia, community outreach instructor at Santa Ana College, has attended the mass potluck since 1996, drawn by the idea that it's a day to set aside all else and break bread with strangers.

"You walk down the street and you see strangers and most of the time you won't even look at them or talk to them," says Anthony. "You don't say hello or smile, but we need that, and that's what you get here."

The sun comes and goes throughout the afternoon, but the real warmth comes from the hugs that Anthony has for old acquaintances and new friends he makes under the canopy of trees that surround Victor's sprawling yard.

Sitting on lawn chairs, eating on card tables and spread out on blankets, people talk and laugh, shiver some, keep talking and laughing.

The festival is named for the white snow geese who have been living in peace and harmony for thousands of years, and in keeping with that theme Victor encourages people during a short speech to meet each other. Anthony takes this and applies it in the "real world" throughout the rest of the year.

"You don't just come here once a year and say I'm friends with everybody, let's hug, let's kiss, let's tell each other how much we love humanity and as soon as you walk through that gate you become that same person you were before," Anthony says.

Sometimes people think he's strange for walking up to people on the street and saying "hi," but he says he's made many friends that way.

And for an only child who left home at 15 to make it on his own, it's an approach that has helped him build a family of friends.

Which is why, even though the Snow Goose Thanksgiving falls before Thanksgiving, Anthony celebrates it as if it were the actual holiday.

In its 13th year, the festival was envisioned by Villaseñor as a day for people to set aside their differences and come together as a community.

Jorge "George" Aguirre, a teacher at Century High School in Santa Ana, grew up bilingual and bicultural in the border town of El Paso, Texas. Today, his life is a mesh of all cultures, with friends like surfer buddy Jack Wilder of Newport Beach, who introduced him to Villaseñor's most well-known book, "Rain of Gold." Snow Goose Thanksgiving, Jorge says, gives him hope that the world peace he longs for isn't so distant.

"Look at that row of people," he tells me, motioning to the buffet line that winds to the front gate. "You see a snapshot of America. It's a feast for the soul as well as the spirit."

Not many would open up their most private space, their home, to strangers, but Villaseñor doesn't see the festival attendees as strangers.

"He tries to convey at this event that ... we all are one family, and he makes you feel that way," Anthony says. "That's the kind of person I would aspire to be."

As I leave the festival, the sun is starting to set and the crowd is thinning. I think about the original Thanksgiving, when pilgrims and Native Americans shared a feast despite their differences.

And I remember the Ralph Waldo Emerson quote that Villaseñor shares with this group of strangers, who are strangers no more thanks to their willingness to look a person in the eye, shake their hand, and say hello.

"What lies before us and what lies behind us are small matters compared to what lies within us. And when we bring what is within out into the world, miracles happen."

Sent by Viola Rodriguez Sadler
Source: Corporate Communications by Julie Green Rommel, 949.251-6005 
Housing Fund Reaches $3.7 million of $6 million goal.   

IRVINE, December 6, 2004 – Orange County’s working families who are renters today received a big boost toward buying a first home.  Wells Fargo announced its $1 million investment in the non-profit Neighborhood Housing Services of Orange County (NHS OC) in partnership with Orange County Affordable HomeOwnership Alliance (OCAHOA), a collaboration of business and civic leaders.  

Wells Fargo’s investment will finance programs designed to overcome two major obstacles that prevent low- to moderate- income families from buying a home: a lack of affordable entry-level homes and a need for down payment assistance.  

Wells Fargo’s investment will provide the necessary capital to NHS OC to help fund its short-term loans to developers dedicated to building affordable housing units and low interest rate second mortgages to qualified individuals who need additional funds for down payments.  Approved developers will use the funds to pay for pre-development expenses – such as permits, site surveys, and engineering services – typically passed on to homebuyers.   Half of the investment, $500,000, will provide qualified homebuyers down payment assistance with fixed, low-interest, 30 year fixed rate second mortgages.

Glenn Hayes, executive director NHS said the goal is to raise $6 million by January 1, 2005.  "From that pool of funds we expect to make up to $4,000,000 annually in purchase and development loans," he said. "We need leaders like Wells Fargo and others to come forward and make quality affordable housing a reality in Orange County."

 According to NHS, many credit-qualified homebuyers can’t find homes.   It says 165 family graduates of its Home Ownership Program are mortgage approved, have down payments but can’t find affordably priced homes.   The Business Council’s 2004 Workforce State of the County showed that adults earning the median family income for Orange County are not able to afford median priced homes in the County.  Employees such as, nurses, firefighters and teachers are affected the most by Orange County’s homeownership "affordability gap."  

The "affordability gap" occurs when the costs to purchase a median-priced home and make monthly payments substantially exceeds the average monthly income earned by individuals.  According to the Building Industry Association of Orange County, a firefighter in Yorba Linda earning an average annual salary of $42,300 would need to earn nearly double the salary to afford the median priced home in the area.  A preschool teacher in Irvine earning an average $18,800 annual salary would need to earn 5 times the salary to afford a median priced home in the area. 

"Wells Fargo’s investment will go a long way towards increasing Orange Counties’ workforce housing supply," said Bart Hess, President & Executive Director, Orange County Affordable HomeOwnership Alliance.  "Clearly we need to be building more workforce housing and with this important investment, Wells Fargo’s efforts are helping to ease the enormous housing crunch."  

As the major contributing financial services company to the Orange County Housing Trust, Wells Fargo made the announcement with Neighborhood Housing Services of Orange County, a nonprofit housing organization and Orange County Affordable HomeOwnership Alliance, a collaboration of business and civic leaders to develop viable solutions to increase the availability of quality affordable housing for working families.

"With less than 20 percent of all Orange County residents being able to buy a median priced home where they work or grew up, local business leaders have to come forward and be part of the housing solution," said Kim Young, Orange County regional president.  "Wells Fargo is passionately committed to strengthening the communities we serve and I can’t think of anything more important than to help working families buy the home of their dreams."                                                      

Wells Fargo & Company

Wells Fargo employs more than 2,500 team members in Orange County, serves customers from 83 financial services stores across the county and last year contributed $2.3 million to more than 425 Orange county non-profits.

Wells Fargo is a diversified financial services company with $422 billion in assets, providing banking, insurance, investments, mortgage and consumer finance to more than 23 million customers from more than 6,000 stores and the internet ( across North America and elsewhere internationally. Wells Fargo Bank, N.A. is the only "Aaa"- rated bank in the United States. Visit Wells Fargo at

About Neighborhood Housing Services of Orange County

Neighborhood Housing Services of Orange County ( has served Orange County for 27 years. Focusing on low- and moderate- income neighborhoods, NHS OC strives to renew pride, restore confidence, promote reinvestment and revitalize communities in partnership with local residents, financial institutions, the business community and local government.  It promotes home ownership, providing home purchase and home improvement loans, constructing and rehabilitating single and multi-family homes and facilitating the development of community leaders.  NHS OC is a member of the national NeighborWorks network

 About Orange County Affordable HomeOwnership Alliance

The Orange County Affordable HomeOwnership Alliance
 was formed by a group of businesses to promote the development of housing for working families in Orange County.  



Kids take candy issue to heart 
Latin American Microfilms
Fuentes de Ayuda
Latino Cultural Divide, HS Campus
1880 Attitudes towards Minorities 

An Old Claim, Sonoma Ranch

Kids take tainted candy issue to heart

Petition drive by L.A. students part of growing effort for action on lead.  BY JENIFER B. McKIM, THE ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER, Friday, November 26, 2004
Sent by Viola Rodriguez Sadler

Photo by Paul E. Rodriguez,  Maria Olmos, left, Manuel Mata, center, and Louis Calvario were among the Hollenbeck Middle School students who turned a science project on lead candy into a grass-roots movement.

[[Editor:  I graduated from Hollenbeck Jr. High and am proud of these kids. They are learning that they can make a difference.]]

LOS ANGELES – The candy burned their throats. The spicy, salty powder they poured onto their hands and licked with their tongues made them feel sick to their stomachs. Yet students from Boyle Heights kept eating the popular children's treats - as many as six a day - until they heard the products might be poisoning them with lead.  Then they took action.

Three former students from Hollenbeck Middle School in Los Angeles stood in front of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors last month and asked officials to get tainted candies off the shelves.

Their call, buoyed by 625 signatures on a petition, prompted county officials to write an ordinance to ban lead-tainted imported candies. The ordinance is awaiting a second hearing by the board.

"They should do it fast," said Louis Calvario, 14, who said his stomachaches eased when he stopped eating imported powdered candies found to have high lead levels. "Every little piece of candy is a piece of your life. I'm still young. I want to be healthy."

The Los Angeles students join a small but growing nationwide grass-roots movement concerned about tainted candies. They are demanding action while the U.S. Food and Drug Administration continues to study reducing allowable lead limits in candy and state health officials say they can't embargo certain contaminated treats because they are classified as seasonings.

In Chicago and San Diego, community groups have asked store owners to remove candies with histories of lead. In Kansas City, Mo., a mother with a lead-poisoned son is organizing activists to put together a brochure to inform clinics about dangers.

California youngsters concerned about their own health have made some of the most poignant pleas. Last month, teens and preteens from a low-income area in San Diego sent some 60 letters and samples of Mexican candy to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, asking him to remove tainted products from store shelves.

"I always used to eat candy that had lead in it. Not no more," said Beto Gomez, 11, who sent a letter. "I sent it to the governor. I said if lead is good for kids, why shouldn't you eat them too?"

The activism comes after an Orange County Register investigation prompted media attention and health warnings about imported candies tainted with lead. The Register's six-part series, which ran in April, showed that the state of California and the FDA had reports on scores of contaminated candies, mostly from Mexico, but did almost nothing to warn the public or ban the products. Candies, many containing significant amounts of tamarind and chili, included popular brands such as Lucas Acidito, Pelon Pelo Rico and Vero Mango.

Lead poisoning, even at low levels, can affect a child's ability to think and succeed in school. More than 100 brands of candies have tested high for lead over the past decade and many of these treats were found in the homes of lead-poisoned children, the Register analysis showed. Most of the candies are still available in local stores.

The eighth-grade students in Christine Rosser's science class came upon the Register series while studying chemical elements. Soft-spoken Maria Olmos, 13, was assigned to learn about lead and stumbled upon the tainted-candy stories during an Internet search.  "I feel angry," said Olmos, who particularly liked to eat Lucas-brand powdered candies, which have been the subject of health alerts from Milwaukee to California since July. "I used to eat a lot of those candies."

The students are taught by a core group of teachers who dropped other studies for two weeks to focus on lead-laden candy. In math class, students learned about parts per million, a measurement for lead in food. In science class, they collected candies from nearby markets and tested them with store-bought lead testers. Testers turned yellow, showing evidence of lead.

"We started believing it, and we stopped eating the candies," said Manuel Mata, 14, who also used to eat Lucas brand powdered candies. "I'm worried about my health, that I might get sick when I grow up."

The group put together fliers and posters explaining about lead hazards and candy. For the first time, the English as a Second Language students participated in the school's end-of-year exposition, plastering their school hallway with information for parents to see. Usually, only gifted and magnet students participated in expositions, teachers said.

Students also circulated their petition urging government officials to stop store owners from selling tainted candies. They sent it to two state lawmakers and to County Supervisor Gloria Molina, who responded.  County officials invited three students to speak. Now in high school, they plan to meet with this year's eighth- graders to encourage them to keep up pressure.

"We aren't going to stop until they stop selling the candies," Olmos said.

CONTACT US: (714) 796-2295 or

Index Latin American microfilm in the  LAFHCenter.

Wonderful news for those living close to the Los Angeles LDS Family History Center, located at 10777 Santa Monica Blvd.  Volunteer Janete Vargas has indexed every Latin American microfilm in the LAFHCenter.

Now you can access these treasures thru the Internet  Simply click on the name of any country to  find out what the LAFHC has in their collection.  If you can't open the file, contact Janete directly by email:

To reach her at the library/FamilyHistoryCenter, call (310) 474-2202.

The ftp: in the email is correct.

Fuentes de Ayuda de Historia Familiar Latinoamericana en Español o Portugués en la Red Electrónica

(These recommended links were compiled by another volunteer at the Los Angeles FHC)
Preparada por Analía (Ana) Montalvo

PASOS BÁSICOS EN HISTORIA FAMILIAR  "Anillo de Genealogía Hispana" con datos y enlaces   Pasos básicos, información y recursos

REFERENCIAS GENEALÓGICAS   Datos de Latinoamérica  Guía Eclesiástica de la Iglesia Católica  Biblioteca Pública de Los Angeles-subscripción es gratuita

BUSQUEDAS GENERALES  Buscar nombres o temas en español  Inmigrantes a varios países, multilingue

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A Latino Cultural Divide on a High School Campus
Sent from the Internet, 12/3/2004 
Sent by Howard Shorr

At Montebello High, as elsewhere in the state, Latinos split between the more Americanized and those more drawn to their immigrant roots.

By Erika Hayasaki, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

During lunch, there is a line at Montebello High School that students on either side rarely cross. Part gravel, part grass, it runs between a row of bungalows and buildings, lopping off the short end of the L-shaped quad. They call this the border. It separates rock music from ranchero. Cheerleaders from folklorico dancers. English from Spanish.

To outsiders, students at Montebello High are mostly the same: 93% Latino, 70% low-income. But the 2,974 Latino students on campus know otherwise. As at many schools in California, students here are delicately split — in classes, sports and clubs, at social events and at lunch — between those who seem more Americanized and those who feel more connected to their Latino immigrant roots.

Students call one side of the campus "TJ," as in the Mexican city of Tijuana. During lunch and break periods, students who hang out in TJ gossip, chat and flirt mostly in Spanish. From homes where Spanish is the primary language, many are still learning English. Besides soccer, folklorico and the Spanish club, few students in TJ are involved in extracurricular activities on campus.

On the other side of the border, in an area with a brightly painted quad and a new cafeteria, is Senior Park. This is where students immersed in traditional American high school culture hang out. They include football and basketball players, student government leaders and members of the water polo and drill teams. Many students here come from Mexican American families that have been in California for several generations. English is the predominant language. Some don't know Spanish.

The groups don't hate each other. Some cross between the two sides and have friends on both. But some talk bitterly about a divide. Others acknowledge it as inevitable, even if they wish it weren't.

"It's like two countries," said senior Lucia Rios, 17, a Mexican American with blond-highlighted hair who wants everyone on campus to mix more. Rios is co-captain of the drill team and eats lunch in the Senior Park area. She is proud of her Mexican heritage, but relates to American culture. Rios' parents, who immigrated to the United States from Mexico as teenagers, stopped speaking to her in Spanish when she was 5 years old.

Rios has never spent lunch in TJ. Most students who hang out there "relate to the culture of Mexico," she said. "If I was to go to TJ, they would look at me weird like, 'Why is she here?' "

On the other side, in TJ, Alex Blanco, 17, ate lunch under two small trees near the school theater. This is where he and other members of the folklorico dance team spend time. Blanco said he never travels to Senior Park because, he said, "It is too far." Blanco came to the U.S. from El Salvador six years ago. He said people made fun of him because he spoke only Spanish. At first, he was sad. But now, he said, "I'm proud of who I am. I won't get [mad] at what they say."

But his friends get mad. Students in Senior Park "think they are so much better than us because they were born right here," said Blanco's buddy, Cecilia Ochoa, 14, a sophomore who moved to the U.S. from Mexico four years ago.

The bell rang. A student shouted "Vamonos!" Ochoa headed to her fifth-period class. She went through an alley between buildings, avoiding Senior Park. "I don't talk to people over there," she said. "I don't know them."

Montebello High illustrates a larger issue of how California and its schools have changed, said Chon Noriega, director of the Chicano Studies Research Center at UCLA. Last year, 14% of the state's schools had Latino enrollments of 80% or higher, according to a Times analysis.

Nobody expects a mostly white campus to be monolithic. So it shouldn't come as a surprise that Montebello High isn't either, Noriega said. Yet some non-Latinos are oblivious to the differences, he said, because the public thinks "about Latinos in very broad terms," like economic and political power.

The split, he said, is natural and something Californians should understand. "It's important for the schools to take these differences into account," he said. "Otherwise the schools will fail in taking a cookie cutter approach" to a diverse population.

About 28% of Montebello High's students, or 781, are still learning English in a variety of programs. An additional 46% of students, or 1,285, grew up speaking Spanish but are now considered "proficient" in English, although some still prefer speaking Spanish.

At first glance, some test scores seem to show that some English learners need extra help. Last year, only 12% of the sophomore and junior English learner students who took the California High School Exit Exam passed the math portion, while 22% passed the English portion. In contrast, 34% of English-only students passed the math part and 67% the English part.

But other numbers indicate that immigrant children are succeeding after they master English. At Montebello, 39% of sophomores and juniors who moved out of English learner programs to regular classes passed the math portion, while 86% passed the English portion. Teachers say many of those youngsters have a strong work ethic and that their parents push them to excel in school.

Principal Jeff Schwartz says he treats students equally and tries to instill respect between groups. If students are speaking English with an accent, he reminds others not to laugh because it is better for them to practice than to never learn. "I tell students to treat people the way they want to be treated."

The outside world sometimes stereotypes his campus, he said, assuming that everyone at Montebello High speaks Spanish and just crossed the border. "Their perceptions and reality are not the same," he said.

Fitting into mainstream English classes is sometimes hard for English learners, said Laura Galindo, bilingual facilitator at the school. Once, Galindo moved two English learners into mainstream English courses. After a few days, they came to Galindo pleading to be moved back. "They were scared," she said. "They didn't know anybody." But she persuaded them to stay.

Galindo said it is not easy to bridge the two worlds. Her staff works hard to push immigrant and English learner students out of their comfort zones.

"I tell kids, 'Join a club, join Key Club; they speak English there,' " Galindo said. She steers them away from soccer, or groups that focus on Latino culture, where most students speak only Spanish.

On a recent afternoon, Margo Bonsall, a freshman counselor, looked at her office walls, which are covered with posters of cheerleading teams she has advised since 1986. She spotted only a few immigrant and English learner girls, out of nearly 200.

"What is sad is immigrants come with really good skills, but they don't have the money; they can't afford it," she said. When they find out uniforms and other expenses can total $1,200 a year, "there's no way," she said. Priorities, she said, are also different between generations of Latino students.

Near East Los Angeles, Montebello ranks among the 10 most segregated cities in the state, according to the Public Policy Institute. It is three-quarters Latino, a major shift from 25 years ago, when the city had far more white residents.

Some Mexican American families have lived there several decades, and have watched their grandchildren lose touch with Spanish altogether. Bonsall said many of these families embrace school activities because they also attended Montebello High, or schools like it. They are often poor, but they "find a way to get their kids involved," she said, by holding fundraisers or asking aunts, uncles and grandparents to pay for uniforms.

Children of new immigrant families seem to focus on academics more, she said. "Their goals are survival," Bonsall said. "Cheerleading is not survival." Others are embarrassed to yell the cheers or talk to other girls because their English skills are poor, she said. "There are self-esteem issues."

Jesus Garcia, coach of the boys' soccer team, said his players speak Spanish to one another on and off the field. "When I start speaking to them in English, they say, 'Speak Spanish.' "

That differs from the football team, said coach Nishil Shah. He said his coaches and players call plays only in English.

Cultural differences sometimes play out in the locker room, where "the soccer team puts on Spanish music on full blast," Garcia said. "Football players listen to heavy metal and rap."

There is a slang term that students in mostly Latino schools use to separate those who seem more connected to their Latino roots than to American culture: "paisas." It comes from the word "paisano," meaning peasants or countrymen.

"It's a softer way of saying 'wetback,' " said Joe Lechuga, 17, also known as "Buddha." He and other Mexican American students who hang out in Senior Park say the term is affectionate, not malicious.

"Then there's the Chicanos like us," said Buddha's friend, Carlos Tesillo. "We wear American fashion. Not too much Mexican heritage. But we don't forget our Mexican roots because we know we're Mexican. We never forget it. We take pride in it."

Buddha and Tesillo are football players. They are not hostile toward the students in TJ. In fact, they are friends with one of them, a football player named Domingo Beltran.

"Where's Domingo? The paisa?" Buddha asked his friends one day during lunch. "Oh, he's over there kissing some paisa girl," another student replied.

Beltran, 17, grew up speaking Spanish. When he speaks English, he said, "I feel stupid." He is mainstreamed into English classes, but he regularly asks or answers questions in his first language, even when teachers demand English.

In the past, Beltran hung out only in TJ, at a shaded table near the lunch lines. Last year, he made the football team and his circle of friends expanded. Now, he traverses TJ, the border and Senior Park, always careful to divide the 40-minute lunch period among cliques.

"I spend lunch on both sides," he said. "I don't want my old friends to think I'm not their friend anymore."

On a recent afternoon, he crossed the border and stopped to talk to a group of old friends in TJ lounging and speaking Spanish near a fence.

They teased Beltran: "He got into football and he got really conceited," said Imelda Reyes, 15, giggling playfully. "He's too cool for us," joked Sergio Gonzalez, 16. Beltran shook his head and laughed it off.

He walked to another part of TJ, near the rusty bell. A soccer player passed him and slapped his hand. Beltran spoke to him in Spanish. Beltran told a visitor, "I'm thinking about trying out for the soccer team after the football season. But the [football players] would call me a traitor…. They say soccer is for Mexicans."

He walked to the shaded tables in TJ, stopping briefly to greet another group of boys before taking off for Senior Park. He waved to them and said: "Al rato," or later.

Within seconds of entering Senior Park, Beltran was intercepted by a group of JV football players. They patted him on the back, praising his gridiron skills. Then one boy joked: "Check his green card first."

The group cracked up. The boy looked at Beltran and added: "We're the ones who keep you from getting deported." Again, Beltran shook his head and laughed it off.

Attitudes and Ethics in Los Angeles during the 1880s towards Minorities

Sent by Johanna De Sotos
For more on this topic, please go to the website.  

ETHNICS While the Chinese question elicited more letters than those written about all other ethnic groups combined, Times readers did express their feelings about Indians, African Americans {or "colored" men and women, to use the term most commonly used at that time}, Hispanics and other hyphenated-Americans. Although their comments were less heated, they were as badly divided in their attitudes toward these groups as they were toward the Chinese.

A} INDIANS The original site of the pueblo in 1781 was near the Indian village located south of the present-day Union Station. Estimates by Guinn and other early historians suggest that the local Indian population at that time approximated 300, and at the twenty or more other villages scattered throughout what would become the modern county the total number of Indians was near 4000. A census in 1830 counted 198 Indians within the pueblo. Following mission secularization by the Mexican government in the early 1830s and the subsequent dispossession of the Mission Indians, their population in Los Angeles increased as they sought security in the pueblo. But while an Indian population remained in or near the town, the last vestiges of the village disappeared by 1836. At the time of American acquisition Indians in the town numbered about 500, and those within the county remained at about 4000. The questionable statistics contained in the census of 1870 reported 114 Indians in the city, another 99 in Los Angeles township exclusive of the city, and 1 Indian at Santa Ana. None were reported in other portions of the county, although other records make clear that scattered settlements did exist. One of those settlements was near the San Fernando mission. Following secularization, that mission's property had been taken by the government before passing into private ownership. In 1846 Eulogio De Celis purchased an interest in the mission's lands from General Andres Pico, who had previously obtained it from the government. The De Celis portion, when finally confirmed by the federal land claims commission, was reportedly the largest rancho in the county, consisting of over 121,000 acres. Pico subsequently sold the bulk of his share to the San Fernando Farm Homestead Association, an enterprise dominated by Isaac N. Van Nuys and the Lankershims. In 1874 the De Celis family sold more than 50,000 acres of their holdings, including the old mission, to George and B. F. Porter and former state senator Charles Maclay, who founded the city of San Fernando that year. Near the mission lived a small band of Indians, headed by Rogerio Rocha, who had been born there about 1801 and had been baptized at the mission in 1810. When Maclay had Rogerio and the others evicted by court order in 1885, an anonymous letter appeared in the Times, followed by an exchange of letters written by Robert M. Widney, Maclay's nephew, attorney and business associate, and by a son of Eulogio De Celis, who was represented by attorney Anson Brunson. Assisting in the eviction was deputy sheriff, and later San Quentin warden, Martin Aguirre. Shortly after Rogerio's death at age 102 or 103 in 1904, Horatio N. Rust {appointed government agent to the Mission Indians in 1889 and the author of letters printed elsewhere in this volume} lamented the eviction in an Out West article, endorsing the De Celis version as related in the letters that follow.

{Times, Nov. 21, 1885, p. 4} Rights of Natives of the Soil. To the Editor of the Times--Sir: Yesterday I was reading Helen Hunt Jackson's story, "Ramona." Profoundly moved by the recital of the wrongs and miseries of the Indians, driven from their homes, where their fathers had lived before them, I was comforted by the reflection that it was only a story, probably exaggerated, and that it was impossible such things should happen again. Enlightened Christian feeling would not permit it. Judge of my astonishment, therefore, on taking up your paper this morning and reading the following: Deputy Sheriff Aguirre: "Will Hammell and I have just got back from San Fernando, where we dispossessed the Mission Indians for Judge Widney and Senator Maclay. They have been there about 80 years, I think; had two good houses - a lot of property. We had to load their stuff on a wagon and cart it off. There were eleven Indians in all, and they all came away peaceably except the old Capitan. We had to grab him and throw him on the wagon to get him away." What can it mean?

{Times, Nov. 22, 1885, p. 1} THE SAN FERNANDO INDIANS. Statement of Judge Widney as to Their Eviction. Judge R. M. Widney, in response to a question concerning the eviction of the Indians at San Fernando a few days ago, said: "A wrong impression seems to have got out about this matter. In the first place, all but three of the Indians are recent arrivals, coning here from San Luis Obispo. The three mentioned were formerly connected with the Mission, but were "shoved out" by some one. They were allowed to occupy the portion of the ranch they have lived on for some years, the understanding being that when the land was wanted for settlement they must move off. Some time ago a judgment was rendered against them for the land, the purpose being to prevent the statute of limitations from taking effect. When Maclay sold to the new company he proceeded to survey where the Indians had been cultivating, and offered them $150 for their improvements. About this time the Indians were advised by certain attorneys not to go away. Later an execution was taken out and placed in the hands of Sheriff Gard, who was authorized to pay them $100. The Indians were seen, and they promised to leave in ten days, but in the meantime they were advised again by their attorneys not to do so. The latter now proceeded to move to set aside the judgment on the ground that it was void. This the court, after a careful hearing, refused to do. The new company wished to use water from a spring on the land for a brickyard, but the Indians (by advice of their attorneys) refused to let them have it, and, at considerable expense, a yard was established elsewhere. The sheriff was now instructed to rent them a house for one month in Los Angeles, or, if they preferred it, at the Mission. If they were not satisfied with this arrangement he was to let them have an abundant supply of provisions. These offers were rejected, the attorneys of the Indians advising them to resist dispossession even to violence. (Evidence to this effect is in writing in the hands of Senator Maclay.) The Sheriff proceeded to move them off without any resistance on their part, except in the case of one old Indian. They were all given food and a house at San Fernando, and the accommodations were accepted, except by the old Indian mentioned. A day or two ago he went to Senator Maclay and said, 'I do not blame you for putting us off, as we had no rights there. We would not have done as we did had we not been badly advised.' He asked for provisions and was given a liberal supply. The Indians have been a great nuisance and their rancheria has been a rendezvous for horse thieves and other bad characters." Statements diametrically opposite to these have reached the Times, and will be investigated.

{Times, Nov. 24, 1885, p. 4} THE SAN FERNANDO INDIANS. The Indians' Side of the Controversy. Ex-Judge R. M. Widney has been misinformed in a few respects regarding the eviction of the Indians at San Fernando, and, being in possession of all the facts, I will state them briefly. The impression created is not wrong; it is, in fact, too mild; if the full facts had been known it certainly might have been stronger. The Indians from San Luis Obispo, if any there were, cut no figure in the matter. The only ones entitled to stay there for the length of their lives were Rogerio and his wife. He (Rogerio) was born on the spot he occupied, was raised there, has lived there ever since, and is over 80 years old. There was only one understanding about them and other old Indians on the ranch at the time it was purchased by Messrs. Maclay and Porter, and this was that the clause in the original deed from the government to my father, "that the old Indians were to be protected in the possession of the small tracts they occupied as long as they lived," would be respected and observed. Mr. Porter has kept his word so far. A judgment in ejectment against Rogerio was obtained by sharp practice on one side and neglect or oversight on the other. It was the opinion of the United States attorneys for the Mission Indians of California that the above judgment lapsed, and they think so yet. In view of the facts in the case, the United States attorneys aforesaid advised Rogerio "not to give up the possession voluntarily, but to allow himself to be arrested, if necessary." The Hon. ex-Senator Maclay cannot produce any written evidence that the old Indian was by anybody advised to resist the officers of the law. The instructions mentioned, the "one old Indian," the only one concerned in the matter, followed to the letter. He allowed himself to be ejected against his protest. There may have been offers to pay him money, to rent houses for him and give him provisions. The Indian denies it, and I believe the Indian. Only in one instance, he says, they offered him money to sign a paper. He very properly refused. They were not given a house and food at San Fernando when ejected; they were dumped on the county road; their chickens were packed in sacks and died, of course. So says the "one old Indian," and I believe him. Rogerio, the "one old Indian," had two substantial adobe houses on his place, fruit tress and vines which tell of more than a few years occupancy. He was never known to be a harborer of thieves, being also remarkable for never drinking liquor at all, an example that some citizens of San Fernando might have imitated with advantage. The facts stated I know to be true, and they can be substantiated by the record. Finally, the ten acres of Rogerio may be turned into bricks and reared in splendid monuments to heaven, but the unjust and heartless conduct of the builders will still be remembered when the monument crumbles into dust. E. F. De Celis. {Times, Nov. 28, 1885, p. 3} The San Fernando Indians. To the Editor of the Times--Sir: Mr. E. F. De Celis, replying to my former statement, in some things he is correct, in others not. The original statement that eleven Mission Indians had been dispossessed is now modified by Mr. De Celis, and he states only two out of the eleven had any right there during their lives. Mr. De Celis says: "It was the opinion of the United States attorneys for the Mission Indians of California, that the judgment lapsed, and they think so yet." I quote from a letter signed by said attorney, as follows: "Upon the second investigation it was found that certain irregularities which were supposed to exist, were not supported by the records, since which time we have given no advice to any person regarding the subject matter." Mr. De Celis says that no writing can be produced showing that the Indian was advised to resist. I quote as follows from Mr. De Celis's letter to Senator Maclay, November 10, 1885: "---------- -----------, (naming the attorney for the Indians,) instructed me to tell Rogerio not to leave the possession, but to submit even to nothing but actual force, and if necessary to allow himself to be arrested. I told that to Rogerio." It is but justice to said attorney to quote again from his letter subsequently written, as follows: "I informed Rogerio, through Mr. De Celis, that he should remain upon the land until the officer should put him off; in other words, that he was not to go off voluntarily, but when the officer commanded him to go, he was then to leave." Mr. De Celis seems to convey the idea that no money was offered the Indians. When Sheriff Gard went out with the first writ I told him to let the Indians take off all their improvements, and then to give them $100. After putting me to over $100 expense, costs, and damage, when the second writ was issued, I told the Sheriff to let them take their improvements and to pay them the value of anything they left, and give them $50 besides. When the Sheriff finally went out after we had incurred several hundred dollars' costs and damage, I told him to rent a house in Los Angeles city and move them into it by teams or on the cars, if they had no other place to go. Or, if they would not do that, to rent a house in San Fernando, or at the Mission, and put them in there; and that when he moved them to pay them for anything they left, and if they needed provisions to buy, at San Fernando, ten sacks of flour, more or less, as he thought best, and other provisions for them, and Maclay would pay the bill. Mr. De Celis says Rogerio was never known to be a harborer of thieves. Mr. Hubbard and Wright, who live within a few feet of where the Indians were, aided a former Sheriff in surrounding one of the Indian's houses and watching for a fugitive from justice harbored there. They can tell a different story from Mr. De Celis from their years' experience as a neighbor. Finally, a man (not Mr. De Celis) came to me at the beginning of this matter, and said that he had arranged to take the Indians away to a place he had in the mountains, and when moved off he would sell us a water right for $10,000. There was a small spring of about one or two inches of water where the Indians were, which may have created the idea that we would pay a large sum for it. We have no occasion to use the small flow, as we sink artesian wells on other grounds. Finally, Rogerio and wife went to the mission and have a house there furnished by Mr. Pico, who tried to have them come there before the sheriff moved them off, and when they went they took provisions furnished by Senator Maclay. They were removed because they interfered with the subdivision and development of the rancho, and were evidently controlled by some outside parties, whom I have not named, who desired to make money out of the matter.

R. M. WIDNEY. {Times, Nov. 29, 1885, p. 5} Card of Thanks. To the Editor of the Times--Sir: I am indeed thankful to the Hon. R. M. Widney for coming forward so kindly and corroborating the facts mentioned in my plain statement of facts about the eviction of the old San Fernando Indians. I hope the Judge will also admit that the small portion he quotes from my letter means nothing like resistance "to the proper authority;" also that the "irregularities" referred to in the United States Attorney's letter, do not refer to the judgment direct; also that Messrs. Hubbard and Wright live more than a few feet away from Rogerio's native hearth; also that suspicion of evil is no proof of evil existing, as witness a watch set at San Fernando upon Deputy Sheriff Russell of Downey, under the idea that he and his traveling companion were horse thieves. If Judge Widney will be kind enough to make these few admissions, he will be more in the right, and I will forget (kindly) his contradictions of his former statement. Yours truly, E. F. De Celis. On occasion the situation was reversed. Those evicted were not Indians but white settlers who had taken up land claimed by various tribes. When the U. S. Supreme Court upheld an Indian claim to land at San Jacinto, the Times editorially sympathized with those whites who suddenly held a clouded title to property there, drawing a response from Edward Bouton, former owner of a large tract of land at San Jacinto. Perhaps what the Times had in mind was an earlier incident, at Banning, where the tragedy of eviction, Indian or white, had been touchingly described by "Quien." {Times, Feb. 12, 1888, p. 6} The San Jacinto Land Decision. Los Angeles, Feb. 10.--[To the Editor of The Times.] In your issue of this morning you say: "The Supreme Court of California has decided the celebrated San Jacinto land case, giving to Indians the right to hold their lands. This is hard on those who hold a United States patent for a portion of the land, and shows the great need of circumspection in carefully examining titles, especially where the land has been covered by a Spanish grant." These Indians and their ancestors had been in peaceful possession of this land for 150 years when the grant was made, in 1842 or thereabouts. Their rights and possessions were recognized by the Mexican authorities, and they were named in the grant. The United States patent which I procured was subject to their claims. When I was the principal owner of the San Jacinto rancho I always recognized the rights of these people. In this case the equities are on the side of the Indians, and I think the decision a just one.

E. BOUTON. {Times, Oct. 12, 1887, p. 6} Government Eviction. AN OLD MAN DRIVEN FROM HIS HOME TO MAKE ROOM FOR INDIANS. Los Angeles, Oct. 11.--[To the Editor of The Times.] It may surprise some of your readers to know that there is being carried out one of the most contemptible outrages that was ever perpetrated under the ruling of any civilized government. Talk of free America! It is a mockery! The facts of the case are as follows: Over ten years ago S. Z. Millard, at that time broken down in health, without means and with a family to support, moved on a piece of vacant Government land and commenced to clear the brush, develop water and make for himself a house. Some months after his settlement the Government made a reservation for the Mission Indians. This reservation adjoins Banning, in San Bernardino county. Mr. and Mrs. Millard have worked hard for years upon their place, undergoing great hardships and privations. They made themselves a home, and are now just beginning to reap some benefits from their labors. Mr. Millard has erected buildings, developed water at great cost and raised his orchard. He is a native-born citizen, and has always been loyal. He is now 66 years old, and he and his wife are growing quite feeble. Mr. Millard must soon cease his labors on earth. And now comes the outrage. Mr. Millard is ordered to vacate--leave his home, all his earthly possessions, as his farm is claimed in the reservation, which was created after he located and began improving. There is nothing offered him for his long years of labor, nothing to support him in his declining years. He and his aged wife are turned out on the world. A few years ago he could earn a living at his trade, but now he can not. What kind of justice is this? There are several families evicted under similar circumstances.

QUIEN. If the city's Indians were "noble savages" that description did not come across in the writings of Newmark, Spalding, Willard, Guinn or the other chroniclers of local history. Instead, readers find them characterized as a breed not only unfit for assimilation {an argument often used by advocates of Chinese exclusion} but so debased that it was considered unnecessary to refute the possibility that Indians might assimilate. While an occasional tear might have been shed facetiously for "Lo, the poor Indian," the more common concern was how to deal with the few remaining in the area. But when one young woman of Indian descent was derogatorily referred to as a "squaw" by the Times, Charles O'Malley came to her defense. His position as clerk to the Adjutant General, Department of Arizona, headquartered in Los Angeles, probably accounted for his knowledge of the incident. {Times, Nov. 30, 1888, p. 6} Without Regard to Race or Color. Los Angeles, Nov. 25.--[To the Editor of The Times.] Referring to the article under "The City in Brief," in The Times of the 25th inst., permit me, in justice to the alleged "squaw," but not in extenuation of T. A. Gaskins's actions, to explain matters, as known to me. Thomas A. Gaskins was a general services clerk at headquarters, department of Arizona, from October, 1884, to about May, 1887. During his stay at Prescott, Ariz., where headquarters were established before their removal to this city in January, 1887, he formed the acquaintance of Theresa Schulz, the adopted daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Horne of Prescott, Ariz., a family well and favorably known throughout the Territory, the elder son being Recorder of Yavapai county, the younger son a graduate of West Point, now a lieutenant of the Fourth Cavalry. There never has been a breath of reproach upon Miss Schulz's character, and her relations with Thomas A. Gaskins were those of an acquaintance only. She came to Los Angeles some time in July, 1887, and after a renewal of her acquaintance with Gaskins, who had accompanied headquarters to this city, married him in October, 1887, I think, with the consent of her adopted mother. Since that time she has been a good and faithful wife, suffering so I have been repeatedly told, through her husband's neglect and harshness, and finally, in the hour of her greatest need, a mother of two weeks, left by him without a dime, her room-rent and board bill unpaid, and her only inheritance her husband's disgraced name. Mrs. Gaskins has Indian blood in her veins, it is true; but not more so than the majority of our proudest creole families in Louisiana. Though, forsooth, why an Indian woman of character and education should be entitled to less regard than a white woman of even advantages is not clear to my perception. Yours very truly, CHARLES O'MALLEY. The only editorial postscript Editor Otis appended to a letter regarding Indians came at the end of this trivial question from an anonymous reader. In railroad parlance, a non-paying passenger was a "dead head." {Times, Nov. 14. 1887, p. 5} Injuns. Los Angeles, Nov. 13.--[To the Editor of The Times.] Please inform a constant reader if Indians ride free through this State on the Southern Pacific Railroad, or if they have to pay fare. Answer.--That depends upon the sleepless vigilance of the able conductor. We are not aware that the copper-colored native is vested with either an inalienable or a constitutional right to d. h.

B) "COLORED" AMERICANS Those opposing the removal of Chinese from the work force frequently argued that California had no adequate labor supply to replace them. "Prosperity" suggested they be replaced by "colored laborers," and to a letter asking about the prospects for colored people in Southern California Editor Otis offered his opinion. The county's colored population, as the Census Bureau termed it, had risen from 87 African Americans in 1860 to 188 in 1880. By 1890 "persons of African descent" numbered 1817 in the county, less than half the Chinese population. {Times, Dec. 16, 1885, p. 2} A Good Word for the Colored Laborer. To the Editor of the Times--Sir: There is considerable said about the going of Chinamen, but where is the laborer to fill his place? The vast machinery of work must have a power behind it to make it move. Labor must not come and go at haphazard, like one having fits and spasms. What is wanted is the steady laborer, who loves his place and home, with a desire to drive his stakes and build in the waste places. There is a laborer of that kind at hand--this is to speak a good word for him. Surely he ought not to be neglected, for he is already a citizen, with the power of the ballot. His morals are above those of the Chinaman. It is scarcely necessary to say that I mean the colored laborer who is now being crowded in the Southern States. The writer of this saw 300 colored immigrants passing out of South Carolina and on their way to Arkansas. Why not bring a few thousand to Southern California? They are industrious laborers; they love home and schools and churches. They would fit admirably to take the place of Chinamen in all departments of labor; besides, they are a cheery people. Who has not heard and been pleased with the old-fashioned plantation songs and quaint negro philosophies? Such human beings have natures to rise above low levels and become among the most useful citizens. Somebody should get up a "Negro Immigration Society." Bring them out here and prove their quality to benefit this section. Allow me to subscribe myself, PROSPERITY. {Times, Sept. 29, 1888, p. 6} Inquiries from Texas Colored People. San Fernando, Sept. 27.--[To the Editor of The Times.] I have just received a letter that is worthy of insertion in your paper just at this juncture of the campaign. I will copy the letter verbatim and it will speak for itself. If you would not consider it too much trouble I would ask you to append an answer to it, as I except to answer the gentleman shortly and my knowledge regarding the resources of our beautiful and fertile country is somewhat limited: "Houston (Tex.), Sept., 1888. "Rev. James Blackledge--My Dear Brother: I write you for information concerning Southern California as a place suitable for farming people. Is immigration desired? What are the inducements, if any for good, honest colored people who are good farmers, peaceable and industrious? Is the soil good? What is and what can be raised? Can cotton, corn, etc., be cultivated successfully? Please answer and give me information which I may tell the people. A bit of history: Past and recent outrages upon the colored people of my State and district, driving out and killing the best of our men, have caused them to desire to leave for more congenial climes. We cannot stand the oppression; our manhood and spirit are crushed out; our lives are insecure, and no protection from the Governor or officers. Although we go to ourselves and colonize apart from them, yet they come by bands of hundreds and kill and drive away from homes, wives and children our educated and best men. I am presiding elder of the Houston District (Texas) Conference M. E. Church, and among the delegates who attended the General Conference at New York. Please answer as soon as possible, giving the needed information. Put me in correspondence with any one else whom you know to be reliable. Yours truly, "R. H. HARBERT." [We think there is room for a good class of industrious colored men--agricultural laborers--in Southern California. It is not a cotton country, but almost everything else in the shape of agricultural and horticultural products can be raised from the prolific soil.--Ed. Times.] Just as it was considered acceptable to print "news" items that ridiculed Indians, such as Mrs. Gaskins, African Americans were similarly at the mercy of the paper's staff. When the Times ran a piece that found humor in what one reader thought was a subject too serious for laughter, the following letter was the reader's reply. {Times, Aug. 18, 1887, p. 6} Where Does the Laugh Come In. Los Angeles, Aug. 17.--[To the Editor of The Times.] An article in this morning's Times gives an account of the desertion of a "colored lady" by her husband. The conclusion of the paragraph states that the event has both a "comical and a serious side," for the reason that the husband left the wife in rather an "interesting" condition, and without a dollar. One can readily comprehend the serious aspects of this affair, which seems to have distressed the poor wife so grievously; but I, for one, fail to see the "comical" side of what produced such an abundant flow of tears from the victim. It may be that I am wanting in a sense of humor. Possibly the fun of the thing is to be found in the racy style of the narrative. But could it have been made to tickle the fancy of any one with a groan of sympathy for the unfortunate if the actors had been of high social standing? Are we permitted to laugh at the misfortunes of the lowly, while we consider seriously and with sympathy the griefs of the great? W. P. W. While several historians place the hiring of the city's first black policemen in Mayor Meredith Snyder's term during the mid 1890s, recent scholarship indicates that Joseph Green and Robert W. Stewart were the earliest, appointed simultaneously in 1886. {For more on Stewart, see his letter in the chapter on politics.} By 1889 George H. Baxter, a porter, was disenchanted with the assignments given African American policemen. Green was classified as a city hall janitor in an 1887 directory, giving weight to Baxter's complaint, and neither Green nor Stewart were listed as policemen before 1889. A century later Baxter would no doubt have demanded an examination of the police department's affirmative action program relative to hiring minorities. On the other hand, one of the most respected members of the county sheriff's force was Martin Aguirre, hero of the 1886 flood and descendant of an Hispanic family long established in Los Angeles. {Times, April 3, 1889, p.3} Colored Men for the Police Force. Los Angeles, April 2.--[To the Editor of The Times.] I ask permission to make the inquiry through your paper why only two of the applications from colored men to be placed on the police force were considered, and also why the city authorities are dilatory in placing the two colored men appointed on the force to active duty, and why they should be relegated to janitor duty in the city buildings?


G. H. BAXTER. The state's constitution barred blacks from voting until ratification of the 15th Amendment in 1870. When one Southern Californian indicated he would have continued that voting ban, "Tippecanoe" offered a reply. Ralph Hoyt, a regular contributor of well-written letters on a variety of subjects, and "Veteran Observer" offered their support for the right of all Americans to vote. Hoyt's defense of the Civil Rights Amendments is particularly impressive. {Times, Aug. 19, 1888, p. 5} Some Light on a Dark Subject. Santa Ana, Aug. 18.--[To the Editor of The Times.] In a recent letter to The Times from E. E. Keech, secretary of the Prohibition Club of this place and Candidate for County Clerk on the Prohibition ticket, that gentleman explains why the sable orator, Rev. Hector, failed to meet his appointment to speak in Santa Ana. In view of the fact that Mr. Keech, in a conversation with one of our prominent Republicans, gave vent to the following (or, in substance) language, touching his views on the negro suffrage question, it may not be out of place to give him a grain of allowance on the Hector mis-fit: Said p. r. {prominent Republican - Ed.} was speaking of the suppressed negro vote at the South and Mr. Keech gave it as his unqualified opinion that if he could have it his way the negro ("nigger" to use his own word) "should not be allowed to vote at all." Why? "Because of their ignorance." Perhaps Mr. Keech does not favor the negro having the right to speak even on prohibition. At all events the admirers of the Rev. Mr. Hector can put this away somewhere, and when they vote for County Clerk do so consistently. I will also say right here that Mr. Keech is frequently seen hobnobbing with that class of Democrats who believe in a solid South at all hazards, in other words the "shotgun policy," to squelch the negro Republican vote, and yet he claims to have been a Republican once. Shades of Horace Greeley!

TIPPECANOE. {Times, Oct. 31, 1886, p. 3} THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. Los Angeles, Oct. 30.--[To the Editor of The Times.] In view of the political situation in the South the question arises, what shall be done with the later constitutional amendments--commonly known as "the fruits of the war?" Shall they be enforced or repealed? Every existing law or constitutional provision that can not be enforced should be abrogated. It is sickening to think how justice is burlesqued and the public mind debauched in this country by the existence of "dead-letter" laws--national, state and municipal. Laws which nobody respects because they are never enforced. The thirteenth amendment to the Federal Constitution, adopted in 1865, abolished slavery and thereby broke what had been the backbone of the slaveholders' rebellion. But how about the amendments that followed? The fourteenth amendment, adopted in 1868, and the fifteenth, adopted in 1870, were intended to confer the rights of citizenship upon the colored race, removing all distinction on account of color and making black and white people equal before the law. This is as it should be. But, unfortunately, these amendments have never been followed up by the necessary legislation. After the colored men of the South had been minimally enfranchised, and the representation of these States in Congress and in the Electoral College thereby increased, the black voters were practically left to shift for themselves - to enjoy these newly acquired rights and privileges only if agreeable to their former owners and overseers. Otherwise they should say nothing about them. It is well known how in five or six of those States, the colored people have enjoyed(?) these privileges and exercised these rights. It is well known, and the proof is overwhelming, that physical force with a representative Southern Bourbon is a more potent factor in shaping elections than are all the constitutional amendments ever adopted. It is well known that a majority of the legal voters in these States (who are registered Republicans) are practically disfranchised. This is done in defiance of the plain provisions of the constitution. The fourteenth and fifteenth amendments are deliberately nullified by Bourbon brutality. Well may we inquire, what kind of a Government have we, anyhow? When an American citizen, who happens to be in a foreign land, is deprived of a legal right, our Government immediately gets up on its dignity, shows its teeth, and demands that the wronged citizen be treated fairly. And in doing so, the Government voices the sentiment of the whole country. But right here in our own land, under the alleged "protecting folds of the Stars and Stripes," the constitutional rights of tens of thousands of our people are trampled to the earth every four years, and yet the Government tolerates the outrage. The closing section of each of the constitutional amendments says: "Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." But Congress has not done so. If it had, the old Democratic serpent would never have succeeded in swallowing the Government. He would be so nearly dead as to find difficulty in even moving his tail, and James G. Blaine would now be President. Of course the "appropriate legislation" to enforce these amendments will never be had from a Democratic administration. The most that a Republican Senate can hope to accomplish under Cleveland's reign is to prevent the Democrats from so changing the election laws that a fair election and an honest count will be as nearly impossible for Republican voters in the North as they now are in the South. The fourth article of the original constitution declares that "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government." Now, if this means anything, it certainly means that every citizen of every State and every portion of every State shall be protected in the exercise of all the rights conferred upon him by the constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. At the earliest possible day we must have a Congress and President that will enforce the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, at all hazards and at whatever cost. Otherwise the time is not far away when the Constitution of our country will not be worth the paper on which it is printed. Voters should bear these facts in mind, especially when choosing members of Congress and legislators, whose duty it will be to elect United States Senators.

RALPH E. HOYT. {Times, Nov. 17, 1888, p. 5} The Solid South. Los Angeles, Nov. 13.--[To the Editor of The Times.] A leading Democratic politician of South Carolina is reported in this morning's papers as saying that if the Republicans would give the South the assurance that they would leave her alone to manage her own State affairs, etc., the people of that section would break up the solid South. In parallel columns with this outgiving is a detailed account of how a northern man was treated, including threats of his life, in the State of North Carolina, and how he and his family were driven out of the State. Now, however desirable to liberty- loving Republicans the dissolution of the political combination known as the Democratic Solid South may be, they are not yet ready to enter into pledges guaranteeing to any section or rod of this country the right to murder for political reasons, or to run off for no crime, any citizen, be he black or white, or northern or southern born. So long as American citizens of whatever color, or wherever born, cannot go or stay, or say his say, or vote and have his vote fairly counted, in any and every State of our common country, the Republican party will not voluntarily close its mouth or bar its right of protest or tie its hands to even secure the mere outward conversion to Republicanism of the entire solid South.

VETERAN OBSERVER. C) HISPANICS Through the 1880s descendants of the original settlers from Spain and Mexico continued to maintain a prominent place in Los Angeles society. They held high ranking offices, both elected and appointed. Reginald del Valle served in the legislature and Ygnacio Sepulveda was a superior court judge. Hispanics held numerous city offices, although with an influx of Easterners in the 1880s they were gradually displaced. When the city police commission in 1889 fired nearly half the police force, including all "Spanish-American" officers, the Times denounced the action as unjust, arguing that dismissal of the Hispanic officers closed to that group an occupation that they not only were competent to fill but had in many cases performed with exceptional bravery. Families of the rancho owners remained an in-group in social circles and a few still held great tracts of land. Others, however, had fallen on hard times. "Prophet" Potts, himself a pioneer from the early 1850s and an associate of many of the land grant holders, offered a suggestion. At the time he wrote, California had a short-lived old-age pension plan for the destitute that was, though modest, far ahead of its time, giving county supervisors authority to place names on the pension roles. In June, 1885, for example, 131 Los Angeles County residents drew government pensions ranging from $2 to $30 a month. Potts' letter was one of the few about Hispanics that appeared in the Times, which is somewhat surprising considering the size of that population and the history of the area. {Times, June 15, 1888, p. 6} Help the Indigent Pioneers. Los Angeles, June 8.--[To the Editor of The Times.] I see every few days some old familiar face of the old Spanish families on the streets of Los Angeles, destitute and in many cases begging for alms of the passers-by. The most of these old people were rich when I came here, 36 years ago, and were liberal to the poor Americans coming across the plains in those days, dividing with them anything they had liberally. Some of them suffered loss from desperadoes by being friendly to the American Government in the conquest of California by the Americans. They are now old and poor and destitute of this world's goods, and do not know how to make a living under the new state of things. The county of Los Angeles is rich, and can well afford to provide sustenance for these few old pioneers during the balance of their short stay in this world; and I would suggest that the Board of Supervisors appoint a committee to hunt up all those old people who have been worthy citizens of this beautiful countryside for so many years, and that they be placed on the indigent list and provided with the necessaries of life from the county funds for the balance of their short stay amongst us. J. W. POTTS. D)

HYPHENATED-AMERICANS Chinese, Indians, Blacks and Hispanics were not the only groups singled out for scorn in the 1880s. While overt hostility toward the Irish had largely disappeared, the letter from "X" raised the suspicion that, given an opportunity, the author would have taken the British side. "American," on the other hand, had had enough of all hyphenates. Clan-na-Gael, cited by "American," was a revolutionary Irish nationalist movement implicated in a Chicago murder in 1889. The title Otis placed above "American's" letter does not refer to Indians! {Times, Dec. 29, 1886, p. 10} BLARNEY FOR THE IRISH. Los Angeles, Dec. 24.--[To the Editor of The Times.] For several weary weeks the Tribune has been inflicting on its readers an immense amount of week-kneed, broken-backed, hysterical rhetoric concerning the wrongs of Ireland, and much denunciation of "British tyranny and greed." That the writer of those articles knows nothing of his subject goes without saying; were the case otherwise he would not be employed on that cholera morbific sheet. That his agonizing are altogether perfunctory is equally evident--nothing could be plainer than that the Great Mind which steers the metropolitan journal thinks to capture for the use of his faction Irish votes and Irish influence by his able editorials. If that were all, however, one would pass his maundering in silent but soul felt nausea; but when he says "there is not a true American who will refuse to fight for our truehearted brothers" (the Irish) he insults Americans and lies about their sentiments. And I, claiming to be as true an American as the proprietor of the aforesaid Great Mind, though acknowledging myself a much humbler one, desire to enter a vigorous kick against the assertion that Americans are ready to take up the Irish or any other foreign quarrel. X. {Times, June 30, 1889, p. 6} A Native American Sentiment. Los Angeles, June 27.--[To the Editor of The Times.] It may seem like a step backward to raise the old cry, "Put none but Americans on guard," but will we not have to do so in self-defense? We have had the Anarchist murders in Chicago, and now the Clan-na-Gael. We have British-Americans of Boston trying to dictate the policy of the country, and the Hessians of San Francisco refusing to turn out in a Fourth of July parade, unless they are paid $8 per day--not only refusing, but threatening to boycott a Fourth of July parade. In your paper of the 24th, I noticed an advertisement from Pasadena for a cook, "French, English or Swede; no Americans need apply." Is it not time for us to say, no foreigners need apply? AMERICAN.



Los Angeles times, Nov 18, 1894:

William Fitch Still Fighting for an Interest in a Sonoma Ranch.

Families involved:  Pina, Vallejo, Ortez, Carillio/Carillo in Sonoma 

SANTA ROSA, Nov. 17. - Papers have been filed here in a suit of William Fitch, administrator of the estate of Antony Pina, against Matilda Archambeau and 220 other persons, for a fifth interest in the Tzbaco rancho, situated in Mendocino and Washington Townships of Sonoma county. The rancho contains 15,440 acres of valuable farming land, occupied by the 221 defendants, and worth over $1,000,000. Fitch not only brings suit for a fifth of this great property, but also claims $100,000 damages by reason of loss of possession and profits for many years.

The history of this suit properly begins fifty-one years ago, when Antony Pina died, leaving several brothers and an illegitimate daughter, Maria Antonia Pina. His will was admitted to probate, and Gen. M. G. Vallejo, the executor, took charge of the estate. In those days acres were almost as free as the winds that blew over the oat-clad hills, and Maria Antonia's leagues of land were not worth the $1000 needed to pay the expenses of administration.

This Gen. Vallejo thought, and in 1855 he was relieved from all responsibility, and for eleven years the claim was only a vague memory. In 1864 the case was revived, and William Fitch was appointed guardian of the orphan girl, and immediately brought suit against John Peck and others on the Tzbaco rancho to recover the possession, and won the case. The Supreme Court reversed the decision and sent the case back for a new trial. The remittitur was not filed until June, 1881. It was dismissed for want of prosecution in October of that year. Maria Antonia was married to Jose Ortez, removing to Napa county, where she died in 1870. One of her children, Jose Faadilla, is living, and is the wife of a man named Carrillio. In 1891 Fitch brought suit against Myerholz et al. For the fifth interest in the estate, but Judge Crawford, of the Superior Court of Sonoma county, decided in favor of the defendants on the ground that an ouster had been fully shown, and that forty years of open, absolute and peaceable possession

Transcribed as published by Karla Everett
Distributed via



St. Barbara Statue Restored 
Mission St. Barbara Huerta Project 
Kern County: Arvizu Brothers
Alvarez, Spirit of Sport Award
Fathers Mentoring Fathers Jan.8 

Don Jose Francisco de Ortega


Friday Dec 4th is the Feast Day of St. Barbara, patron saint of artillerymen.  
This year was special, the statue of Mission St. Barbara was restored.
These photos show the previous condition of the statue.
Photos and information sent by Michael Hardwick

Native Daughters of the Golden West, Reina del Mar Parlor, pose with restored St. Barbara statue. 
Every year Native Daughters select a St. Barbara to officiate at fiesta and other events.  

Current St. Barbara is Mirasol Cabrera (in white).  She is also noted for her dancing ability.

Left to right: Ben Valenzuela, David Martinez, Michael Harwick, Jim Elwell Martinez, 
Mirasol Cabrera, and George W. (Bud) Decker.


The Old Mission Santa Barbara Huerta Project

In August 2003 approval was given to Ms. Tina Foss, Curator/Director of the Old Mission Santa Barbara Museum, to include the Mission’s existing orchard grounds into a master concept that would join a state-wide effort to rehabilitate and restore the authentic arts and art forms of the 21 mission chain of Alta California. Mission-era horticulture is now recognized as a legitimate art form, to be 1) accurately explained; 2) restored where possible; 3) exhibited to the public as a living historical and highly technical art form; 4) with propagated plants to be shared and redistributed to other landscapes and plant repositories.

The Old Mission Santa Barbara Huerta Project began in 2003 with the goal of interpreting "Spanish-era horticultural history in Alta California". For several years at Old Mission Santa Barbara, a concerted effort has been ongoing to acquire remaining "Alta California" plant materials, plant a mother bed, grow, and exhibit the last and obscure remaining, alive, mission-era plants that actually grew during the historic period while the mission chain was an important facet of Spanish Empire dominance. Jerry Sortomme, Professor Emeritus of Environmental Horticulture at Santa Barbara City College, was appointed as Huerta Project Manager. He has been instrumental in defining the Huerta Project. 1769-1834 were chosen as the years to be used when deciding what plants are appropriate for the Huerta Project.

The word "huerta", is a Spanish term that refers to the "initial orchard-gardens" that evolved during that period in history, when water was a very scarce finite resource and plants had to be grown and concentrated together, out of necessity. The huerta is distinguished from the word "Jardin" which is a pleasure garden. Jardines developed later, mostly after the Spanish mission era. Domesticated plants were first introduced into "Upper California" as the missions, pueblos and presidios were built. Each huerta was a contrived oasis, orchestrated by the padres, and essentially managed by converted indigenous people within the realm of each mission complex.

Jerry compiled a master list of plants from documents, chronicles, and from the information presented in the publication, Changes in Landscape, the Beginnings of Horticulture in the California Missions, by Michael Hardwick. The plants that are a part of the Huerta inventory are: 1) Heirloom plants, seed of select strains of plants; 2) Heritage plants, singularly unique plants, species or varieties that are accurate for this time; 3) Rootstock Heritage plants, more modern plants that can be used to graft mission plants onto, (i.e., mission plum onto modern plum); 4) Example-plants, some plants are surely lost to history, and a certain vagueness surrounds others. Horticultural information was often omitted or loosely referred to or even misinterpreted during those times. Planting "examples" of certain plants will be done and noted within the Huerta; 5) Pip-plants, pips are plants that geminate from seed that are random selections (every new seedling is a brand new individual). At the missions and elsewhere even into today, selected "random plants" grew from seed that proved to be "preferred plants", they adapted to the growing site more favorably, they may have cross-bread, (i.e. native California grape and introduced mission grape occasionally cross pollinated), some plants merely evolved, produced a more favored quality … many heirloom plant-strains developed in isolation and proved to be perfect matches in certain locales, or were favored within certain cultures or societies and when grown elsewhere, that selectivity continued to evolve at the new growing site, as it also did in Spanish California.

Regards,  Michael Hardwick

 Arvizu Family Information sent by John Arvizu's   

Extracts of information from
History of Kern County: Arvizu Brothers
by Thelma Miller

No residents of Arvin are more highly respected than are the three Arvizu brothers, Manuel, Phil and Julian, who, under the firm name of Arvizu brothers, have become prominent in the business activities of this section of the county, being extensively engaged in the manufacture of cement products and in cotton growing. 

Their parents Domingo and Francesca Arvizu were born in Sonora, Mexico, before moving to Los Angeles County, where they spent their remaining years.  Domingo is the father of Abraham in the wedding photo.  Abraham is John Arvizu's   (submitter) grandfather. 

Domingo Arvizu, 1859
Azuza, California

Abraham Arvizu and Louisa Romero wedding
San Gabriel Mission

Domingo Arvizu and Francesca became the parents of fourteen children, two of whom died in infancy and two in youth. Seven sons and three daughters grew to maturity, and six sons and one daughter, are still living, the latter being Guadalupe, who is the widow of Andreas Arvilla and resides in Arvin. Of the brothers, Abraham is a cement worker at Irwindale, California; Arnaldo is engaged in the cement contracting business at Glendora; Manuel, Phil, and Julian compose the firm of Arvizu Brothers at Arvin; and a younger brother, Joaquin, is an invalid and resides in Arvin.

Manuel L. Arvizu
was born April 14, 1874, in Azusa and attended public schools. His father was a laboring man and, having a large family, appreciated the help which his sons gave him as they grew old enough. They all went to work at an early age and learned the cement business under B.R. Davison, a prominent cement contractor at Azusa.  They worked for him for many years, becoming efficient in all kinds of cement construction including that of pipe for irrigation purposes, and also in the work of laying the pipe in the ground. Later they also worked for Ben Thorpe and Pat Talle, cement contractors at Covina and proved painstaking and conscientious workmen, so that their services were in great demand.  

About 1912 four of the brothers Arnaldo, Manuel, Phil and Julian, started a cement yard and built up a successful business, which they carried on there and in Covina, Glendora, San Dimas and Puente. They successfully completed a contract for a Mr. Brooks, near Arvin, who was so well satisfied with their work that in 1919 he prevailed upon them to move to Arvin and here establish their business making and laying a large amount of pipe for irrigating purposes on his ranch near this town, which is now owned by B. Libolt. The work done by the Arvizu Brothers on that job attracted considerable attention and before they had completed the Brooks contract they had other contracts for all the work they could do in several month's time. 

They then established a permanent cement manufacturing plant at Arvin and Manuel, Phil and
Julian Arvizu became residents here, each building a home. After a year or two, Arnaldo Arvizu sold his interest in the business to his brothers and moved to Glendora, where he is following the same line of business now. In addition to cement pipe, the company also manufactures cement blocks and bricks for building purposes, and has built up a large and prosperous business, being the leader in their line in this section of the county. The brothers interests are looked after by Mark C. Sayer, an expert accountant and bookkeeper. They bought eighty acres of land, about a half mile north of Arvin, which they planted to cotton, being among the first to make a success of cotton growing in this locality. They have increased their operations in that line and in 1928 had five hundred acres of leased land in cotton, and expect to have a still larger acreage in 1929. 

Manuel L. Arvizu was married in August, 1900, at Azusa, California, to Miss Neavis Ortis, who died at Irwindale in 1916, leaving five children; Manuel, who is married and has one child; Simon; Rueben; and Helen, who is in grammar school and keeps house for her father. The four sons are cement workers and all live in Arvin. On March 11, 1917, Mr. Arvizu was married to Miss Josefa Martel, who died, leaving a daughter, Evelyn, who is attending  elementary school.  Mr. Arvizu is a member of the Arvin Boosters club and has given his efforts and influence to up-building and
development of his community. 
Phil Arvizu was born at Azusa, Los Angeles County, California, November 22, 1878. 
Phil Arvizu attended public schools. 

He learned the cement business and he and his brothers were engaged in making cement irrigation pipe for a number of years in their home community. In 1920 they came to Arvin, bought eighty acres of land and erected a factory for making cement pipe, building blocks and bricks and are in every respect well equipped for the proper handling of their business. They have done a large amount of irrigation contracting on ranches of this section of the county laying their own pipe and all their contracts have been carried out in a manner that has gained for them a splendid reputation in business circles. The Arvizu Brothers also gave a share of their attention to raising of cotton, planting about five hundred acres in 1928.

Phil Arvizu married Miss Viola Reyes, who died leaving six children, as follows: Frances, who is the wife Ralph Meyers, of Bakersfield, and they have four children, Ralph, Jr., Barbara and the mother of a son, Walter; Celia, who is wife of Edward Gonzales and the mother of a son, Eddie; Ambrose, who is attending a school in Los Angeles; and Raymond. On September 28, 1928, Mr.Arvizu was married to Mrs. Lois (Castro) Reynolds, who was born in San Luis Obispo, California, and is a daughter of Michael and Blandina (Higuera) Castro both of whom are related to prominent old
Spanish families, her father being descended from Governor Castro of Alta, this state. By a former marriage Mrs. Arvizu is mother of a son, Edward Orrie Mallard, who is employed in the Chevrolet garage at Bakersfield. He is married and has four children, Harold, Irwin, William and Richard. 

Julian Arvizu was born in Azusa, Los Angeles County, California, January 18, 1883, son of Domingo and Frances Arvizu, who were born in old Mexico. Julian Arvizu was reared in Azusa and was educated in public schools. From boyhood he was interested in cement construction work and he and his older brothers engaged in this line of business, specializing in making cement pipe for irrigation purposes, in which he became an expert. In 1920 the brothers came to Arvin and bought eighty acres of land, on which they established their concrete pipe making plant. They are without superiors in the making of concrete pipe and have successfully completed a number of important contracts for irrigation projects on ranches in the vicinity of Arvin, among which were those of William Glendora, L.B. Nourse, Nelson Brooks, Gordon Iver, R.E. Bousfield, the C.A. Barlow ranch, the Jewett ranch and many others. In addition to pipe, they also make cement blocks and bricks for building purposes and find ready sale for their products. Arvizu Brothers are also extensively engaged in raising cotton, planting five hundred acres in 1928. they employ from five to one hundred and fifty men, according to the season, with an average force of thirty-five men. They maintain their office in Arvin, under the management of Mark c. Sayer, an expert accountant and bookkeeper.

On September 6, 1906, in Los Angeles, California, Julian Arvizu was united in Marriage to Miss Mary Romero, and to them have been born seven children: Olivia, who is the wife of William Caswell, of Bakersfield; Katie, who is the wife of Earl Cooper, of Arvin; Claudena; Julian, Jr., Roger; Reynold; and Gilbert. 

Alvarez Selected California Spirit of Sport Award Recipient   By John Philip Wyllie
La Prensa Spanish/English newspaper San Diego, Ca , 12/3/2004
Sent by Mercy Olvera Mercy

For most high school students, getting called into the vice-principal’s office is something to be avoided at all costs. That is because at many schools, vice-principals handle disciplinary matters. When Bonita Vista High’s Abraham Alvarez got the call last week, he was summoned for a very different purpose. Vice-principal Dennis Rasmussen had the pleasure of telling Alvarez that he had been selected from among all the athletes in California this fall for the prestigious CIF Spirit of Sport Award. 

The Spirit of Sport Award recognizes one student-athlete each season for his or her exemplary sportsmanship, school and community service and leadership.

It is easy to see why the Mexican-born Alvarez was selected. Currently ranked number one in his class, Alvarez owns an astronomical G.P.A of 4.78. A G.P.A. of 4.0 would be a straight "A" average, but due to the difficulty of the many IB classes he has taken, grades received in those classes are weighted. Thus it is possible, as Alvarez has shown, to exceed what is essentially a perfect G.P.A.

The son of a Mexican physicist and a biochemist, Alvarez would like to become a surgeon. The list of universities he has applied to reads like a Who’s Who of the top American institutions of higher learning.

"I’ve applied for early admission to Harvard and I am in the process of applying to UCLA, Berkley, and UCSD. I’ll also apply during the regular admission period to Yale, Princeton and Stanford. Harvard is probably my first choice," Alvarez added.

As an athlete, Alvarez has been nearly as impressive. He finished fourth individually in Metro League cross-country competition and helped the Barons dominate in the league finals. The team went on to finish sixth in CIF competition. Alvarez also set a personal record finishing one 3.4 mile course in a sizzling 16.22. With the cross-country season now completed, Alvarez will soon begin training for his final season of high school track.

Whether it is on the track or in the classroom, Alvarez has demonstrated the ability to battle and prevail in the face of some very tough competition. He himself is not sure where his competitive edge comes from.

"I have always been motivated and pushed to excel. I don’t know if it is any one thing that provides my motivation. I just try to do a little bit better at everything each day."

Fathers Mentoring Fathers Workshop Jan.8, 2005 San Jose, CA 
Diane Sears

BSI International, Inc. recently received a communication from Mr. Eric Rosa of Father Matters which we are distributing concerning the organization's Saturday, 8 January 2005 free workshop being held at City Vineyard Church, 1718 Andover Lane, San Jose, California 95124 beginning at 9:30 A.M.  The details are attached and directions to the site of the event appear below.  Please contact Mr. Eric Rosa of Father Matters for further information via e-mail at or via telephone at 1-888-648-0718.  You can visit the organization's web site at

Don Jose Francisco de Ortega
Shared by Robert Smith

Don Jose Francisco de Ortega was a native of the town of Zelaya (Celaya), in what is now the State of Guanajuato, North of Mexico City, New Spain, where in his early youth he was employed as a warehouse clerk. Where at the age of 19, he enlisted in the Spanish Army, at the Royal Presidio of Loreto, Baja California. He was described as short, but stocky man with a weight problem, a skilled engineer, and well-liked by those who served under his command. He was accredited with having won over Chief Yanunali, who furnished the Indian labor to help build the new Presidio of Santa Barbara.

In July 1769, as a Sergeant, he scouted the areas from San Diego to Los Angeles, and from Santa Barbara, Monterey and onto San Francisco Bay. While scouting for then Captain (Governor) Gaspar de Portola’s overland expedition into Alta California and Father Serra, he assured his place in history as the first white man to discover the entrance to incomparable San Francisco Bay. This same bay, also known as the Drake's Bay, named after Sir Francis Drake, and named by the American explorer Lt. Colonel John Charles Fremont who bestowed the name of "Golden Gate" in the early 1840's.In October 1769, the Lieutenant Governor Gaspar de Portola Expedition stopped at what may have been the Bay of Monterey, but due to their maps (drawn from the seaward side in the late 1500's) they did not recognize the port or the bay of Monterey.

On November 1, 1769, All Saints Day, he marched to the San Francisco area (possibly on a high hill above San Bruno). But this sighting failed to provide or to locate a land path around the San Francisco Bay to reach the other side, the north shore of San Francisco Bay in what we now call, "Marin County" (toward Petaluma and Navato). They had sighted what is known as Point Reyes more than twenty miles away, with a great body of water between them and the other side of the San Francisco Bay.

In November 1769, Sergeant Jose Francisco de Ortega, while scouting for Captain Gaspar Portola tried to find a route up the eastern shore of the newly discovered San Francisco Bay to Point Reyes in Marin County. He traveled down the inner coast of San Mateo to San Jose and across the eastern coast to what is now known as Contra Costa and Alameda Counties. They had failed to locate a land path from the San Francisco Bay to the northern counties now known as Marin County, and Cermenos Harbor, including areas of San Rafael, Petaluma, Navato and Napa and Sonoma County. They could see across the bay to Point Reyes, but could not reach it by land. Because they were running short of food, some of the soldiers became sick and had a general feeling that they failed to locate the Monterey Bay, they returned to San Diego. On their way back they relocated the Monterey Bay, stopped and reinspected the bay from the north and the two crosses that they had placed there on their way north. Their problem was that the maps that they were using were drawn from seaward side and did not match the basic land maps used for their expedition.

In December 1769, because they were also running out of food, were becoming sick, they started on their return trip south. (A fact that they didn't know how to live off the land and/or were to proud to try.) And because, they returned on the same route that they had taken from the south and rediscovered the Monterey Bay on their return to San Diego on January 24, 1770. One of the reason why they had missed the Bay of Monterey on their trip north, was because they had relied on a map drawn from the sea by Captain Vizcaino in 1602, the map depicted a sheltered cove and not an open bay as we know it today.

Sergeant Jose Francisco de Ortega and the scouts constituted the Vanguard of the 1769 Expedition, next rode Lieutenant Governor Gaspar de Portola, Lieutenant Fages and six Catalans who were fit for service. Followed by Costansio, Fathers Crespi and Gomez and then the Indian auxiliaries, from the Royal Presidio of Loreto, Baja California. They knew that travel in Southern California was to be fairly easy, and pleasant with pastures and plenty of water. But other areas to the north, could become very rough, with mountains, rivers to cross, and possibly Indians to fight.

While traveling through the Santa Ana River area, they felt sharp earthquakes, thus giving rise to the name "Rio de los Temblores". Other shocks were noticed until they had crossed the Los Angeles River to the north, four days later, this was to be come the "El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Angeles del Rio de Porciuncula", (also known as El Pueblo de los Angeles), which was named by Father Crespi for the day of its discovery and crossing. This was the day of the festival of Our Lady the Queen of the Angels by the River of Porciuncula, one of many titles of the Virgin Mary, in more modern expressions, "the City of the Angels, or just Los Angeles".

They continued north westward on a route that would become the El Camino Real, or "The King's Highway" (known today as the Highway 1 and Highway 101), to reach the Bay of Monterey. Later on, they traveled along the coast to San Luis Obispo, where they traveled with very little difficulty and then they had to confront their real obstacle in the Sierra de Santa Lucia mountains. This continued to be a major problem until they reached a point just south of what was then known as Drake's Bay, they were at Point San Pedro, and looked across towards the Farallons Islands, and from San Bruno Mountain, they could not see a way around the San Francisco Bay to reach what is known today as Marin County, just north of the bay. One point of observation that they could have seen in what is now called San Bruno Mountain or hill in the San Mateo County in November 1769.

Among the explorers of Alta California in 1769, were other leather jacketed soldiers including Amador, Alvarado, Carrillo, Yorba, Cota, and Soberanes. These men wore leather jackets of seven layers of thicknesses of deerskin, leather pants and all carried bullhide shields on their left arms. As part of their weaponry, they carried lances and broadswords and many carried short muskets.



Teresa Phillips, Grand Marshal for the 2004 Lassen County Fair State's Linguistic Diversity Grows

Teresa Phillips, Grand Marshal for the 2004 Lassen County Fair
Lassen County Times, Susanville, CA 96130 July 6, 2004 Vol. 26, No. 34

Cindy Lobuglio sent the information and wrote, "I have no idea why they did not give Teresa Phillips maiden name. It is Barba." 

Teresa Phillips, local retired businesswoman and volunteer, will be the 2004 Lassen County Pair Grand Marshal. "It is exciting," said Phlllips. "The Hispanic community is overjoyed. They tell me I am the first Hispanic to receive this honor."

Phillips will ride in the Fair parade scheduled for 10 a.m. on Saturday, July 24.
Phillips was born and raised in Susanville and graduated from Lassen High School.
"I have so many memories and I am writing a book about them," she said. "It is called "What I Remember" and I have publishers looking at it. It is funny, sad and has a lot of history in it." 

Phillips said one anecdote in her book relates to her impression as a young child when World War II ended. "My brother Joe was 17 and involved in the war. I remember the mill, blew its whistle over and over for a longtime when the war ended. I didn't really understand it but had fun dancing in the street with all the adults who were laughing, hugging and dancing," she said.

Phillips said she also remembers when the men from Fruit Growers Lumber Mill went on strike and blocked the train crossing at the Susanville Railroad Depot. "There was gobs of men with shovels and sticks not letting the train from Westwood go by," she said. "We weren't too concerned but I remember my mother telling us to come home."

Phillips has been a volunteer with children for 30 years. She taught dance and
tumbling through the city of Susanville recreation department. She also taught majorettes and at the 2003 Fair Parade she led two generations of Lassen County moth-er and daughter majorettes.

Phillips was a single mother for many years and with her mother, Grandma Adella's help, raised her Son Michael Mesa. 

"I was a businesswoman and I credit my mother for helping me raise my son so I could move up the ladder to managementl," said Phillips: Phillips retired after many years from Citizens Utilities Company where she was a manager and traveledas needed during strikes and for regular company business.

She said she remembers assisting the California Correctional Center inmates with phone calls to family members. Her fluency in the Spanish language made her a perfect person to assist Spanish-speaking inmates. 

She said she once helped avoid an impending disaster at the prison during a gang-related incident. She was able to translate for the opposing gang members. She was also able to stress to the inmates the importance of books and education.

"Much of my wisdom came from my mother and I have given advice to young people
on what could happen or not happen in life. I tell them to value education and make a good life because we only have one chance to get it right," she said.

Besides working hard as a businesswoman, Phillps said she trted to do as much as she could with her son. She was den mother for Cub Scouts arn ran the snack booth for the Little League field. She also was treasurer of Little League. "I did a lot of extra things with my son and he did the same thing," she said.

She has three grandchildren, Mickie, Alma and Marcus. .Alma and her husband Evan Zahniser recently made Phillips a great-grand- mother with the birth of Baylee. Phillips proudly carries a flve-by-seven photo of the little girl.

She also is step mother of two daughters, Tami Stoutenberg and Lisa Ortega.
She married Ed 18 years ago after he relentlessly pursued her, she said laughing.
"I had no plans to marry again. I was a career person," said Phillips who also said her husband is very understanding of her busyness.

One friend Sharon Edwards said, "Teresa reminds me of the energizer bunny; she just keeps oh going and going and going;"

Phillips is very involved in Soroptimist International of Susanville and recently won 2003 Woman of Distinction Award for her work with Soroptimist and the community. One of her biggest accomplishments, she said, came when she was president of the Susanville chapter of Soroptimist. I gave the $1,000. I earned as president to Katherine Ithurburn who was the program director of the Eagle Lake Camp. She took the money and began Ronald McDonald House," she said. 

Phillips served as Soroptimist of Susanville president from 1992-1993.
She is now working with the Banner Lassen Medical Center junior auxiliary She is the coordinator for the 27 high-school members. Teresa said one of. her goals is to teach young people to be productive and value community service.

State's Linguistic Diversity Grows
by David Jacobs
Sent by Cindy Lobuglio

Nevada's booming population is creating a melting pet of diverse languages, data from the U.S. Census Bureau and the Modern Language Association show. . Nearly 20 percent of Washoe County residents speak a language other than English at home. Statewide, that figure is more than 23 percent. Both are above the national averages.

After English, "Spanish by far is the next most commonly spoken language (in Nevada) with nearly 300,000 speakers, so that stands out," said Rosemary Feal, executive director of the New York-based Modem Language Association, which analyzed the data.

Ruth Cruz, 32, of the Reno area lives in a bilingual household. She moved from Mexico to San Diego many years ago and then made her home here, where she is part of a Spanish- and English-speaking household that includes three children.

"Some times we talk to the children in Spanish, and they answer in English," she said. Other commonly spoken languages in Nevada include Tagalog (one of many languages spoken in the Philippines), Chinese, German, French, Korean, Italian and Japanese.
"That is kind of typical for the nation," Feal .said. 

A consequence of Northern Nevada's language diversity is the need for translation services.

The Modern Language Association recently unveiled an online interactive Web site to help identify the number of people who speak English or many other commonly 'spoken languages by state, county and ZIP code in the United States.
An online "Map of Languages" helps identify the concentration of the various languages and statistics in various geographical areas. Alphabetical listings also are available.
The Web site's frequently asked questions section allows users to learn where the various languages are spoken outside the United States.

Spoken by those 5 and older in the United States:
1.English, 215.4 million.
2. Spanish or Spanish Creole, 28.1 million.
3. Chinese, 2 million.
4. French (including patois, Cajun), 1.6 million.
5. German, 1.4 million.
6. Tagalog, (a major language of the Philippines), 1.2 million.
7. Vietnamese, 1.009 million.
8. Italian, 1.008 million.
9. Korean, 894,063.
10. Russian, 706,242.

Washoo County
1.English, 253,447.
2. Spanish or Spanish Creole, 42,895.
3. Tagalog, 5,003.
4. Chinese, 2,084.
5. German, 1,937.
6. French (including Patois, Cajun), 1,320.
7. Other Pacific Island languages, 952.
8. Italian, 893.
9. Japanese, 755.
10. Other Indie (Indian) languages, 675.

Canon City
1.English, 41,896.
2. Spanish or Spanish Creole, 5,577.
3. German, 242.
4. Chinese, 219.
5. French (Including patois, Cajun), 161.
6. Tagalog, 149.
7. Italian, 134.
8. Korean, 101.
9. Other Native North American
languages, 93.
9. Other Indie languages, 93.

Douglas County
1. English, 35,725.
2. Spanish or Spanish Creole, 2,327.
3. German, 315.
4. French (including patois, Cajun), 145.
5. Tagalog, 137.
6. Other Native North American languages, 117.
7. Other West Germanic languages, 91.
8. Italian, 68.
9. Japanese, 53.
10. Portuguese or Portuguese Creole, 47.

Sources: Modem Language Association, U.S. Census (2000), some numbers rounded.





The Anza Letters, Article Four
Concha Ortiz y Pino
Epic of the Greater Southwest
Arvizu Colonial Origins
Inclan Family Trees




The Anza Letters

Article Four
Phil Valdez, Jr.

                        Arizpe, Sonora 

Colonel Juan Bautista de Anza, 
Captain of the Presidio de Tubac 
in what is now Arizona.  

Captain of the 1774 exploratory 
and 1775-76 colonizing expedition. 
The statue is located in Hermosillo, Sonora

As mentioned in Article Three, carta number ten was the third letter written at Mission San Gabriel where Anza writes, "In response to the third [letter] of Your Honor dated today, I say that just about the time of my departure from Monterrey I was delivered, by the soldier Athanacio Vasquez, a paper which Your Honor had directed to me. After having only seen the signature, I informed him that if not for the condition I was in, I would have had him and all who accompany him to sign under a corresponding penalty. However, I did not ignore that the said petition was against orders and the better rules of conduct. Having said that, and after having spoken to Your Honor, I judge that you will not leave them without the necessary punishment.  Therefore, with due respect he and the rest on the march should not ignore the orders. 

Approximate site where Anza and Moncada met. Its now a strawberry field on River Rd. or the old Camino Real, Gonzales, Ca

Left wing of the Campo Santo at Mission San Gabriel de Arcangel
Indeed, I not only read it to them, but imposed it upon them, prior to [recruiting them]. However, as to how I have proportioned [issued] the saddle mounts that have reached here, I have divided them without grievance. And 
if they [the settlers] lack the promised number, offered by His Excellency,
 it is not because of lack of want in fulfilling the promise, as enough were purchased towards that end, but because some were lost in the service of all getting here, therefore, there is no reason to ask for more". En contestación de la tercera de Vuestra Merced del dia: digo: que a mi propartida de Monterrei  me presentó el soldado Athancio Vasquez el papel que Vuestra Merced me insinúa y habiéndole visto solo la firma le dije que si no me encontrara en el estado en que me hallba, le pondría a el y a todos los que le acompañaban á firmar en un castigo correspondiente: pues no
Page 2
ignoraba que tal petición era contra ordenanza y fuera se su regular conducto; por lo que, y habiéndola repetido a Vuestra Merced le estimaré no se quede sin el merecido castigo, respecto a que ni el, ni todos los que vienen ignoran la ordenanza: pues se las lei, e impuse en ella aún[que] antes de entrar al servicio. Como que aproporcion de las caballerias que hán llegado aqui, les he hecho el repartto si ningún agarvio, y que si no tienen cumplido el número que se les oferció por la superioridad, no hassido por que se les haia querido falter a otra promessa pues para el fin compré las suficientes: En servicio de todos sean perdido con que no tienen razón para pedir mas.
Anza continues, "To all the recruits in Monterey I left two horses and a mule, because Lt. Moraga assured me that what we had would be enough for all. I [also] granted them those [animals] which had been in used by each one, because of having had the courage to arrive here. After having done this, I provided them with one more mule, leaving the remainder for the benefit of these lands and the establishment of the fort just in case Your Honor does not have the greater need to be present. This being the proper thing to mention and likewise satisfies the first point in


the second paragraph of Your Honor’s letter. In regards to the proposition that Your Honor makes in dividing the cattle, I agree in all that Your Honor suggests, thereby, having no doubt that his Excellency will approve it in light of the role he has appointed us to". Deosé á todos los reclutas en Monterrei á dos caballos y una mula por que me aseguró el Teniente Moraga que con los que había dejado aquí alcanzaría assí para todos y les concedi las que había ussado cada cual y lo mismo había hecho animo de praticar aquí, y después de ejecutado esto que se les diese una mula de mas; quedando las sobrantes a beneficio de los propios, ó del establecimiento del fuerte, en caso de no tener Vuestra Merced mayor necesidad a que atender, que es lo propio que ahora digo a Vuestra Merced y con lo que satisfago igualmente al primer punto del segundo capítulo de la de Vuestra Merced. En cuanto a la propuesta que Vuestra Merced me hace para el reparto del ganado, combengo con todo con lo mismo que Vuestra Merced me insinúa no dudanado lo apruebe Su Excelencia en vista del parte que sobre ello le demos. 
"To the question of Your Honor, in the third paragraph, I respond that in my orders 


and  instruction, I was not given anymore rules in regards to the pay of said troops than what I was initially told which ( is appropriate for Your Honor). The lieutenant will enjoy [earn] seven hundred pesos annually, the sergeant four hundred and fifty, and one peso per day for each soldier, to which effect and in view of the anticipation three months pay which I have confirmed. For future dates I was given a portion of money which when [we meet] I will inform Your Honor of said matter. In the fourth and last of your cited [letter] you impose upon me the care that must be present for the existence of these establishments if the necessary provisions do not arrive. However, I will take the responsibility that this affair will not be neglected due to the fortitude of His Excellency which in my view will not let go of its significance in case of some failure. For this purpose (even though at a considerable distance) help can be sought at the Colorado River, where from May to July there is an extreme abundance of wheat and from September to October corn and beans, which I inform Your Honor, because it appears to me [the Colorado River] is closer than Old California, when at another time, I believe help was sought in a likewise urgency".
Page 3
Ala pregunta que me hace Vuestra Merced en su tercer capitulo, respondo: que en mis órdenes é instrucciones no se me dan mas reglas en cuanto a la paga de tal tropa que en decírseme (creeré lo propio que a Vuestra Merced) esto es; que el teniente ha de gozar seteciantos pesos anuales: el sargento cuatrocientos y cincuenta, y un peso diario para cada soldado: á cuio efecto, y a luz [de] anticipación de tres meses de paga que les tengo verificadas, y aún [que] para mas tiempo, se me entregó en especie de dinero, que es cuanto puedo decir a Vuestra Merced sobre el particular. El cuarto y último de su misma citada [Vuestra Merced] me impone del cuidado que le asiste para la existencia de estos establecimientos si no vienen provisiones suficientes; pero me hago el cargo que no desatendera este propio asumpto la magnanimidad de Su Excelencia a quién a mi vista, no se le dejaré de significar por si acaeciese alguna fatalidad: en cuio lance (aunque considerablemente distante) se puede hacer algún recurso al Rio Colorado, donde de Maio a Julio abunda en extremo el trigo, y de Septiembre a Octubre, el maís y frijol lo que produzco a Vuestra Merced por pareceme estar mas próximo que la antigua California, donde otra vez creo se recurrió en tal urgencia.

Nuestro Señor Guarde a Vuestra Merced Muchos Años. San Gabriel y Abril 29 de 1776

Beso la Mano de Vuestra Merced Su Muy Seguro Servidor

Juan Bautista de Anza

Copy of the first page of Anza’s letter number ten

Carta number eleven was written at Mission San Gabriel where Anza writes, "For Your Honor’s better understanding of what has been seen at the Port of San Francisco and for its importance to the news you give His Excellency, along with the proper statement [of it] which I have written to Your Honor. I am including the attached map, which was drawn at  the stated port which I have seen. Be advised to return it. It does not have the corresponding notes, however, it will serve Your Honor as a guide. The consecutive points indicate the journey which I made during the reconnaissance, and are indicated in alphabetical order. Where the letter F and a little cross [are drawn] is the narrowest part of the Port and  the site, which in my opinion, I marked for the founding of the Fort. Immediately behind and to the left of my mentioned site is where there is another small cross and where Your Honor located yours [site]".
Para maior inteligencia de Vuestra Merced sovre lo que tiene visto en el Puerto de San Francisco como para lo que pueda importar a las noticias que

Page 4

sovre ello de a Su Excelencia con pressenccia del dictamen que sovre propio particular tengo esscrito a Vuestra Merced: le incluio el adjunto Plan, lebantado en dicho Puerto que visto, se servirá devolvérmelo. No tiene las notas que le corresponden; pero servirá á Vuestra Merced de govierno, que los puntos seguidos indican el viaje que yo hice a su reconocimiento: cuias jornadas estan señaladas por el orden del alfabetto. Donde está la F y una crucecita es lo mas estrecho del Puerto y el sitio, que por mi parte, señalo, para ubicacion del fuerte. Donde está una crucecita immediata á la anterior, y a la izquierda, es el donde Vuestra Merced colocó la suia de la enumpciada mia.

Anza continues, "Towards the interior of the port is where water, wood, and pastures are found and which I refer to Your Honor in my statement. From the letter F to S [marks] the mouth of the San Francisco River, although for me, and after what I saw, it is not a river but a lagoon which originates from the waters of the delta and from a sierra nevada (at a distance) and is the opposite of what has been said". Here Anza eludes to the fact that prior to the 1776 colonizing expedition it was thought that the San Joaquin and Sacramento rivers via the Carquinez Strait was one big river, e.g, Rio de San Francisco. However,


it was during this reconnaissance that it was proved otherwise. Father Pedro Font, the meticulous chronicler, goes to a great extent to help prove it so. See Font’s Complete Dairy of the Second Anza Expedition, by Herbert Eugene Bolton
Para lo interior del puerto es donde essisten las aguas, leña, y pastos que refiero a Vuestra Merced en mi dictamen. De la letra J. á S., es el desemboque del Rio de San Francisco aungue para mi, y lo que vi, no es tal rio; sino laguna que se origina de las aguas de los tulares,y de una sierra nevada (en esstremo) que esta opuesta á los dichos

El Gran Capitan, closes cartra number eleven in his usual manner.


Nuestro Señor Guarde a Vuestra Merced Muchos Años San Gabriel y Abril 30 1776

Beso la Mano de Vuestra Merced. Su Muy Seguro Servidor

Juan Bautista de Anza

Copy of the first page of Anza’s letter number eleven

Page 5

Carta number twelve was written at Mission San Gabriel as well where Anza writes, "I have just received Your Honor’s official confirmation, which serves to support the resolve, to establish the port of San Francisco. In concern to this issue and that of your third paragraph, it appears to me to inform Your Honor, that I know it is not as agreeable to His Excellency to have the location of the mentioned fort where Your Honor has suggested to me as the one where I marked it with a cross and which I have indicated to Your Honor. Indeed, in this way the Ports superiority will be confirmed without suffering the reputation like San Diego and other places. For this reason I feel that this is preferred over the other comforts desired for the troops. However, it is clear that it is not as bad to have their planting and other opportunities at a distance, where there will be no lack of an abundance of firewood and necessary water for their maintenance, which in order to enjoy them, the mouth of the Port will be left without a guard. In this it’s only last fault, they could go to the other side, which is not by the fort, and advantage can be taken for the establishment of the missions. With which the major part of our Superior’s prudent resolution can be put into practice. Without this the troops, that are to be established at the fort, will not have where to plant their small gardens and thereby be frustrated. But for this purpose there is a lagoon half way between the fort and the mission, where when damming its flow at an opportune time, sufficient water can be had for all intended purposes. The other [statement] is simply to inform Your Honor of my feelings, so that I can absolve myself of all (de toda note) with regard to this establishment, thereby allowing Your Honor to solely decide what appears best".

Acabo de receibir el oficio de Vuestra Merced en que se sirve confirmarme la resolución del establecimiento del Puerto de San Francisco: sovre cuio particular y lo que contiene de tercer capítulo, me ha parecido

esspresar a Vuestra Merced en esta, que conozco no ha de ser de tanto agrado para Su Excelencia la situación del mencionado fuerte, donde Vuestra Merced me insinúa como en el que queda señalado con (una) cruz que tengo indicada á Vuestra Merced pues de este modo se verifica el total predominio de el. Sin que padezca la nota; y el que de San Diego, y otros: por cuia rasón soi de sentir. que esto es preferente, a las demás comodidades que se apetesen para la tropa: pues es claro que menos malo es que tengan sus siembras y otras proporciones halgo distantes: que el que para disfrutarlas, se quede si resguardo la boca del puerto en donde no les faltan la abundancia de leña y pressisa agua para su manutención. En cuia sola útima falta, se puede recurrir al otro sitio; que también no estando en el fuerte, se puede, aprovechar para el establecimiento de una de las missiones; con lo que en la maior parte se logra poner en práctica las prudentes resoluciones de nuestra superiordad sin

Copy of the first page of Anza’s letter number twelve 

Page 6

que por esto se fruste el que la tropa que se establezca en el fuerte deje de tener en que hacer algunos huertesillos: pues para el efecto hai una laguna intermedia entre el fuerte y misión que atajándole su corriente en tiempo oportuno se recogera agua suficiente para maiores intentos. Lo otro es únicamente exponer á Vuestra Merced mi senir para libertarme de toda en cuanto a este establecimiento sovre lo que Vuestra Merced dispondrá lo que le parezca por si solo.

In regards to Captain Moncada’s official confirmation, to found the Presidio de San Francisco, here is what his diary says of the occasion. Carta, orden para San Francisco: Señor teniente don José Joaquín Moraga. Con esta fecha doy al sargento Grijalva la orden que con 15 soldados, 5 mozos arrieros, la recua, y demás remuda, con las pocas reses que hay en San Gabriel pertenecientes a San Francisco pase a Monterrey. Cuatro de los dichos mozos son Antonio, el cautivo, Ochoa, Otondo, y Claudio; el otro desertor, Juan Ignacio, el día antes que yo llegase a este Presidio[San Diego] despareció sin que haya sido posible adquirir noticia de él. El teniente coronel don Juan Bautista de Anza y yo hemos acordados por oficios se establezca el fuerte del

Puerto de San Francisco en el lugar donde fijaron la Santa Cruz y respecto a estar yo aqui ocupado y tener parte de los soldados de Monterrey que se puede suspender la fundación de las Missiones; por lo en vista dispondria Vuestra Merced su marcha a dicho Puerto con el sargento, 20 soldados, los pobladores y los 5 mosos arriba dichos, a establceer el fuerte en el mismo lugar donde fijaron la Santa Cruz. Al instante que el tiempo me permita occasión, me aprovecharé de ella en pasar a dicho Puerto.

He writes, "Letter, to San Francisco, Don José Joaquín Moraga. On this day [May 08, 1776], I have given orders to Sergeant Grijalva, that with 15 soldiers, 5 servant/muleteers, the mules, the horses, and the small amount of beeves that belong to San Francisco move forward to Monterrey. The four aforementioned servants are Antonio, the captured one, Ochoa, Otondo, and Claudio. The other one, is the deserter Juan Ignacio, who on the day before I reached the Presidio [of San Diego], disappeared without being able to get any notice from him.

The Lieutenant Colonel Don Juan Bautista de Anza and I are in agreement, by official communication, to establish the fort of the Port of San Francisco at

the place where the Holy Cross was placed. With respect of my occupation here, including some of the soldiers of Monterrey, it is possible [for you] to suspend the building of the missions. Indeed, in light of this, Your Honor can commence your march to the mentioned Port, with the sergeant, 20 soldiers, the settlers, and the five aforementioned servants, to establish the fort in the same area where the Holy Cross was placed. As time permits me I will take advantage of the occasion and go to the said Port".

Anza continues, "It also appears to me to inform Your Honor that the aforementioned establishment should not be discussed with soldiers of whom, by their class, prefer their interests and comforts directed by the service. For the time being such matters are commissioned to their officers. Because of the disparity between these [officers] and the former simple soldiers, we gain little, in discussing those matters in which they should not interfere. And yes there is an order against it. "That when a commanding officer consults with those of his class, he should give them the signal [inform them] that he is willing to entertain a variety of opinions, so as to prevent them from making it a thing of personal gain", which can be said of a

Page 7

likewise consulting case [when dealing] with the (same) simple soldiers".

También me parece decir á Vuestra Merced, que el mencionado establecimiento, no se debe conferir con los soldados quienes por lo regular prefieren su interés y comodidad al servicio: y por lo tanto tales asumptos se comisionan á sus oficiales; y habiendo de estos a los anteriores immensa distancia, es hacernos poco favor, en consultar con ellos asumptos en que no deben intervenir: y si hay ordenanza que previene; "que cuando un official que manda, consulta a los de su clase lo que el debe disponer, es señal de que con la variedad de pareceres, quiere embrollarlo para que no hacer de provecho", que se dira en igual caso consultado con los (mismos) simples soldados.
"In regards to the fourth paragraph, I inform Your Honor that there is still time for the issuance of the cattle. But as I have stated in my previous [paragraph], I am satisfied that each soldier and settler be given a heifer, a steer, that can serve as an


ox , and for everyone’s [use] the bulls as needed. In this way it gives them cattle for working and breeding, thereby avoiding resentments. I will satisfy your fifth [paragraph] by saying that the reference (that Your Honor suggests will be heard with disgust) in no way will harm the affairs that I have the honor to inform His Excellency and for him to know our agreements, for the good of these establishments, in which knowledge, I hope Your Honor will not mentioned this subject again. To the sixth and last [paragraph] I will say that Your Honor knows good and well that since the new order for the presidios, we have lacked the necessary Captains, with the power to license [promote] any soldier.
This [empowerment] is reserved solely for the Inspector Commandant, with whom I offer to be of help, in that which Your Honor solicits for Pascual Bailon Rivera". See recap at the end of the letter.
Sobre el cuarto capítulo digo a Vuestra Merced que el reparto del Ganado supuesto tiene tiempo, se puede dejar para el: pues como tengo dicho en mi


anterior en este asumpto soi conforme en que a cada soldado y poblador se le de una res, un novillo que le pueda sevir de buey, y para todos, los toros que se regulen necesarios: de cuyos modo se les da reses provechosas, y de procreo, con lo que se excusan sentimientos.
Al quinto satisfago con decir que la referencia (que Vuestra Merced supone se oiga con disgusto) en nada perjudicará a los asumptos de que yo tenga el honor de informar a Su Excelencia y que conozca convienen para el bien de estos establecimientos en cuia inteligencia estimaré a Vuestra Merced no se buelva á mencionar esta especie.
Al sessto y último digo que bien sabra Vuestra Merced que de la nueva ordenanza de presidios carecemos todos los capitanes de ellos, de la facultad de licenciar á ningún soldado, lo que esta reservado únicamente al Inspector Comandante con quien ofrezco á Vuestra Merced interesarme por la que solicita para Pascual Bailón Rivera
Nuestro Señor Guarde a Vuestra Merced Muchos Años Micion de San Gabriel y Maio 1 de 1776       Beso la Mano de Vuestra Merced Su Muy Seguro Servidor


                                                                                                              Juan Bautista de Anza

Page 8

This document corroborates Anza’s statement about the lack of Captains.
From the Rivera y Moncada Papers at the Bancroft Library (Banc Mss C-A 368)

Again, as mentioned previously, the work of these short articles require the work of many, therefore, I would like to continue to acknowledge Vladimir Guerrero Ph.D, Californio descendant Gregorio Bernal Smestad Ph.D, Donald T. Garate, and José Pantoja. I am deep in debt to these gentlemen who are not only scholars, and historians, but writers as well.

As mentioned in Article Two, the reader should remember that the accents, writing format, and spelling, of all correspondence used in these articles, is exactly as it appears in its Colonial Spanish form, however, on occasion a word is placed in brackets to enhance the meaning of the statement.

Should you have questions on the Juan Bautista de Anza Colonizing Expedition or the Juan Bautista de Anza National Historical Trail, I recommend:

Look for more to come with the fifth and final article, with cartas 13, 14, and 15.
Phil Valdez Jr., MBA, CHA  @


Biography of 94-Year-Old "Grande Dame" Concha Ortiz y Pino de Kleven
Recently Released 

Santa Fe, NM. 94-year-old New Mexico "Grande Dame" Concha Ortiz y Pino de Kleven has led a wondrous and fascinating life, which has now been chronicled in a new, authorized biography by Kathryn M. Cordova titled, ¡Concha! Concha Ortiz y Pino: Matriarch of a 300-Year-Old New Mexico Legacy (La Herencia Gran Via 2004).

Concha Ortiz y Pino de Kleven was born in Galisteo, a village 22 miles south of Santa Fe, in 1910, and spoke only Spanish until the age of 10. She was the third woman elected to the New Mexico State House of Representatives at the age of 26, became the first woman ever elected majority whip in a state legislature, and helped pass significant legislation involving public school funding, bi-lingual education and women's rights (specifically, allowing women to serve on juries).

Five U.S. presidents - Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford and Carter - appointed her to national councils and commissions. After President Johnson appointed her to the National Commission on Architectural Barriers - where she was the only female - that body did significant work on physical construction standards to promote handicapped access to federally owned and managed buildings, and the standards later spread to state, county and local levels across the country.

Sra. de Kleven also revived her father's failing 100,000-acre ranch; was a college dean and a University of New Mexico faculty wife; helped pass legislation to establish UNM's School of Inter-American Affairs and was its first graduate; served as a Board member of more than 60 organizations, including one of the original members of the New Mexico Arts Commission (staying for 23 years); was inducted into the New Mexico Women's Hall of Fame, and was designated "Latina of the Century" in 1999 by Vista magazine. A state building in Santa Fe (at 130 South Capitol Street) was named for her this past summer.

¡Concha! is published by Gran Via, Inc., the Santa Fe, New Mexico-based company that produces the Hispanic cultural quarterly magazine, La Herencia. Editor/Publisher Ana Pacheco says that she decided "to do this book project about Concha's life because she is truly a State Treasure, and I want her to enjoy this tribute while she is still with us. Her family's history is woven into the fabric of New Mexico, and she has served this state consistently and unselfishly for decades. As Governor Richardson said when he dedicated the former National Education Association building in her name last August, throughout her life Concha 'has worked to provide opportunities for her fellow citizens, she has fought for equality for women, and she has opened many doors that previously had been closed to her gender.' "

"I asked Kathryn Cordova to write Concha's biography because she's been a frequent contributor to La Herencia, she's an experienced journalist, and she has written four previous books about New Mexico's history and culture," Ms. Pacheco noted.

Ms. Pacheco also said that the 200-page biography contains 170 photographs (many of which have never been published before), a foreword by Governor Richardson, a Spanish-language summary at the beginning of each chapter, and a genealogy of the Ortiz y Pino family. The book retails for $24.95 and can be purchased at the National Hispanic Cultural Center, Albuquerque Museum,
the Museum of International Folk Art, the Palace of the Governors, and at fine bookstores throughout New Mexico. For a complete listing of retail locations, visit La Herencia's website,  

Please Note: All three women mentioned in this news release, Concha Ortiz y Pino de Kleven, Ana Pacheco and Kathryn Cordova, are recipients of the Governor's Award for Outstanding New Mexico Women.

Desert Sky Communications, Albuquerque, New Mexico
Jane Blume,


New Book: 

Epic of the Greater Southwest by Ruben Salaz
Sent by Ruben Salaz  

Also s
ent by George Gause and
"Roberto Calderon"

I received your email regarding the Tejano massacre. After studying SW history and writing my EPIC OF THE GREATER SOUTHWEST, I know full well the nature of Texas historiography. So I thought I would send you this info. If you can help me spread the word as to how crucial the study of history is to our people I would appreciate it.  Perhaps you would help spread the word that my new Southwest history book is available to professors at the university level if they are teaching Southwest history courses and are looking for an inclusive, basic Southwest text to use in their courses. 

In order to receive a review copy of the book, please send a hard-copy letter (it must be in hard copy so we can archive it for the IRS) describing what you are looking for, on university/departmental stationery, to: S. Justin, Editor  10401 Central N.W. # 131, Albuquerque, N.M.  87121

The book's table of contents is provided below.  FACT SHEET for  Epic of the Greater Southwest
Rubén Sálaz M, a 12th generation native New Mexican, is the author of EPIC of the GREATER SOUTHWEST:  New Mexico, Texas, California, Arizona, Oklahoma, Colorado, Utah, Nevada.  The work is inclusive, containing 632 pages, retails for $39.95, and is being distributed by Books West out of Boulder, Colorado, as well as the publisher (see below). Subject matter in EPIC is as follows:


Chapter 5  SOCIETY 

Chapter 8  The Mexican War in the Southwest
Chapter 9  THE CIVIL WAR in the Southwest

Chapter 11  RAILROADS       
Chapter 14  LAND TENURE   
Chapter 15  EDUCATION in the Southwest

European Exploration of the Americas
Denominational Christianity
King of the Plains

History or Propaganda?
Land Grants
On Texas History
On California Historiography
On the Spanish Era
The Dred Scott Decision
On California Indian History
Morality Aside
Myth & Media in Western History

Cosmic House Publisher of NEW MEXICO: EPIC OF THE GREATER SOUTHWEST  PO Box  7748,  ALBUQUERQUE,  NM  87184   (505)   839-4849    FAX:  (505) 839-4849  Email:   WEBSITE:  http://wwwhistorynothypecom<
PS  deliveries  address:   10401 Central NW #131   Albuquerque, NM  87121

Arvizu Colonial Origins

Information compiled and shared by John Arvizu
From: Origins of New Mexico Families
by: Father Angelico Chavez

On page two is a section on Captain Tomas De Arvizu (also spelled Alvizu or Alviso). He is mentioned as early as 1623, was born in 1594, and left Mexico City in 1625 to help escort a wagon train to the Kingdom of New Mexico. He had at least two sons, Felipe and Antonio (also soldiers and
involved in the colonization of New Mexico). He also had a grandson named Juan De Arvizu, who is described in 1681 as a native of New Mexico with fine chestnut hair and good build. 

"In volume No. 1 of the Alviso History, we have a copy of a document in the handwriting of Valentine Alviso, keeper of the Spanish Archives, dated 1795,that mentions a Don Jose Ygnacio Moraga, Commandante of the Presidio of Altar and his wife, Donna Barbara Albizu. A later reference in this same document mentions the parents of this wife as being Don Manuel Antonio
Arvisu and his wife, Donna Josefa Ygnacia Martinez, both being Spaniards. The slight alteration in the surnames often occurred in the very early records.  More significantly, is the Presidio of Altar which was in the province of Sonora, only about 150 miles to the north of the Presidio of San Miguel de Horcasitas, where Domingo Alvisu with his family lived, which suggests that this could very well have been a family relationship." This was quoted from the "History of the Alviso Family". 

Desert Documentary by Kieran McCarty, Chapter 20


The two documents translated and published in this section conclude the firsthand account of Spanish Arizona. The first is authored by one of Tucson's last Spanish commanders, Manuel Ignacio de Arvizu, and relates little-known facts concerning Spanish Arizona's involvement in the royalist defense against Miguel Hidalgo and his insurgents in the fight for Mexican Independence. The second document is the last known roster of the presidio at Tucson. Arvizu's petition for promotion and the account of his military record have been shortened and edited for this publication. Much more is in the original since his military service, covering more than fifty years, was one of the longest and most colorful in the history of Spanish and Mexican Arizona. His story is included here because of his important role in the war for Mexican Independence, an unknown chapter in Arizona history. Scores of presidia soldiers from Spanish Sonora took part in that war on the Royalist side. Some ten from Tucson and Tubac were still fighting Insurgents on the southern frontier of the province as
late as 1818. The number was much higher during the earlier years of the rebellion.

As during the Cerro Prieto rebellion of the previous century, the manpower of the northern presidios was drained by battles on a southern frontier, this time much farther south. Fortunately, the success of the Galvez peace policy and the settlement of Apaches after 1786 made up in great part for the depletion of presidia forces. The granting of Arvizu's petition was delayed by the confusion surrounding the transition to independence and by opposition from Alejo Garcia Conde, commanding general of the northern provinces. Garcia Conde and others felt that Arvizu was too much a warrior to change suddenly to a peaceful administrative post in civil government.  They had good reason. His unenlightened government of Tucson's civilian settlers between 1813 and 1819 was an important turning point in the history of Spanish Arizona. Due to Arvizu's mismanagement, many settlers abandoned Tucson entirely during the years immediately preceding indepence. Up to that point enterprising Tucsonans had even farmed the Tres Alamos site on the San Pedro River when Apache raids were reduced.  Before Arvizu's tenure Tucsonans were producing between two and three thousand bushels of grain annually. During the first decade of independence, Tucson had to depend on the settlements of the San Ignacio River, far to the south, for a good part of its grain supply.

The answer to Arvizu's petition finally arrived in 1832, bringing him a promotion to the post of military commander of Chihuahua. He had received his full colonelcy two years before and had left Tucson to plead his cause in the centers of higher government before the roster published here was drawn up at the end of 1818. He was still listed as Tucson's legal commander as late as December 1819.

Early in 1819 Captain Jose Romero had moved from Bacoachi, where Chiricahua Apaches were peacefully settled, to become the acting commander at Tucson. Romero's experience with the Chiracauas gave him good training for the Tucson post, for it was he who would finalize the treaty which engineered the settlement of 236 Pinal Apaches at Tucson in the late spring of 1819. The Pinals were closely related to the Aravaipas, who had been settled at Tucson since 1793, and the two groups mixed well together. Like the Aravaipas, the Pinals enjoyed an agricultural tradition, and a sedentary life along the Santa Cruz was made easier for them. As evident from the preceeding military-award documents, Arvizu had disposed the Pinalenos for this move by unrelenting
harassment and had even made preliminary treaties with them. Like Allende before him, he had left Tucson before the glory of the final treaty and settlement.

Arvizu returned to Tucson for a very short time in 1825 to replace Romero, engaged in his famed
California expedition. Though Arvizu's appointment to Tucson was dated September 1, 1825, he probably arrived in October with Jose Figueroa, military commander of the State of the West, who was on his way to meet Romero at the Colorado. In the following month , both Arvizu and Figeroa were recalled to the south by the Yaqui rebellion of that year. During the Yaqui war, Arvizu was accused of desertion after forty-seven years of outstanding military service, but was acquitted by the national legislature on March 9, 1827. During 1829 he was in Arizpe as acting military commander of the State of the West. In December he wrote a short treatise, "Manual of Apache Warfare,"
the culmination of fifty years in the field. In 1832 at Arizpe death finally came for the old Warrior when he was seventy.

April 12, 1818 


Manuel Igancio de Arvizu, brevet lieutenant-colonel and commander of the presidial company at Tucson and the frontier of Spanish Sonora, humbly presents the following petition before Your Excellency. He has had the honor of serving the king for some forty years, as will be seen in his service record accompanying this petition. During all of this extended time, he has born arms with distinction and without interruption against native tribes hostile to His Majesty. Never once has he turned his back on danger. After the Yuma Massacre of 1781, he took part in the three punitive
expeditions of 1781 under Pedro Fages, of 1782 under Jose Antonio Romeu, and of 1783 under Felipe de Neve. 

More recently he has distinguished himself in fighting the Insurgents along the coast of El Rosario. At the beginning of the year 1811, he fought in the memorable battle of Piaxtla against the self styled general of the Insurgents, Jose Maria Gonzales Hermosillo. When he went out to rescue Captain Jose Laredo and his detachment, which had been surrounded by a force of six hundred Insurgents, he captured the entire artillery section of the Insurgent army with a force of only sixteen men. For this valiant action, he was awarded a personal coat-of-arms with the inscription: CANNONS ARE USELESS IN THE FACE OF VALOR. He commanded eight actions in all against these
Insurgents with a total loss of 1300 enemy lives, pursuing them as far south as the Acaponeta River.

In light of all of these distinguished services, the present petitioner humbly requests promotion to a
position of authority in civil government.


I was born in the year 1762 at the Royal Presidio of Santa Gertrudis del Altar. I began my service as a soldier on September 19, 1779. I received the title of distinguished soldier on June 1, 1786. On
September 12, 1789, I began my carrer as a cadet. I was promoted to ensign on June 17, 1793: to Lieutenant on December 30, 1805; to brevet captain on October 6, 1809; to brevet lieutenant-colonel on January 28, 1812; to commander of the Fourth Flying Company of Nueva Viscaya on January 30, 1814; and to commander of this Tucson presidio on June 18, 1816. In summary, I have served at the presidios of Altar, Santa Cruz, Tucson, and Bavispe; in the Fourth Flying Company in in Nueva Vizcaya: and currently in this presidio of Tuscon, where I exercise the office of military commander and civil administrator of this jurisdiction. 

Colonel Manuel Ignacio de Arvizu

Inclan  Family Trees
Somos Primos is pleased to announce a new website dedicated to the Family Trees that John Inclan has compiled; sources, research notes, additional historical information is included.  This is a listing of the family trees, most track a family from Spain to Mexico to the Southwest.

To view the family trees within this issue, click on family tree


Sent by Johanna De Soto

Muster Roll March 1, 1781—New Mexico State Records Center and Archives Roll 11, Frame 217-220 (SANMII)   (Frame 217) Presidio of the Province of New Mexico, Royal Presidio of the Villa of Santa Fe Muster roll executed by the Lieutenant, with the rank of Captain, Don Manuel de la Azuela of the Internal Province of the Royal Presidio of Santa Fe, of this company that is guarding, and is responsible this day 1st of March 1781.  The name and rank are given and where the record is located. 


Black-Latino Connection
Black Presence in Venezuela

Black Latino Connection

The information on the website is in two parts. 
Part one is the information presented at the first National Archives family history conference, October 1-2. It includes abstracts of information gleaned from print articles and the internet.

On the Subject of Spanish Slavery
The Spanish Colonial system, 1550-1800
Black Society in Spanish Florida
Slavery and Sanctuary in Colonial Florida
General Bernardo de Galvez
Fugitive Communities in Colonial America 
Afro-Mexicans of the Costa Chica
California Afri-Am Genealogical Society Guide
Afro-Argentine Library in Santa Fe, Argentina
Black Family History Conference, Georgia
Mrs. Connolly
Sterling Jerome De La Ranzie Santiago

Part Two is a copy of the booklet Black Latino Connection published and distributed in 2000.

Current Events         3-10

Caribbean Colonization 11
Archelogical Research 17
Spanish/Mexican Links  23
Researching in the South 25
Slave Trade    31
Racial Intermarriage          33
Spain, Refuge for Slaves 34
Philippines                      39
Caribbean in the Present 40
Pre/Post Civil War
Baja California  41
California Gold Rush  40
Civil War  42
Mexico Fights for Blacks 47
Texas Voters  48
Post Civil War  50

Family Researchers 50
Honor our Black Roots 51
Sons of Confederates  52
Cuban Exile Speaks  53
Indigenous Blacks  44
Finding Self-Esteem  54
Tips for researching  55
Resources & Sources  59-63 
El Oculto Enigma de Nuestra Negritud en Venezuela  
El Nacional - Martes 30 de Marzo de 2004 A/6 
Roberto Pérez Guadarrama

Mestizo: cruce etnico de Blanco(a) e Indio(a)
Mulato: cruce etnico de Blanco(a) y Negro(a)
Zambo: cruce etnico cruce etnico de Negro(a) e Indio(a)
Cuarteron: cruce etnico de Blanco(a) y Mulato(a)
Quiteron: cruce etnico de Blanco(a) y Cuarteron(a)
Pardo: cruce etnico de Negro(a) y Blanco(a) 
Política, HISTORIA VIVA, El oculto enigma de nuestra negritud histórica
Jorge Olavarría,

La ley que hace 150 años puso fin a cuatro siglos de esclavitud en Venezuela no fue un episodio resonante heroico ni dramático.

No fue el producto de una rebelión violenta y sangrienta como la de Haití y su promulgación no dio lugar a una terrible y cruel guerra como será el caso de Estados Unidos, siete años más tarde. En 1854, en Venezuela se aborrecía, lo que en Estados Unidos cínicamente llamaban peculiar institution, y nadie defendía ni justificaba la esclavitud ni la segregación de las gentes de color. La causa estaba a la vista: había muchos más negros libres que esclavos, y la sangre negra había teñido el color de la piel de la inmensa mayoría de los venezolanos en un proceso de integración racial que tenía cuatro siglos, pues empezó el día cuando el primer esclavo negro africano pisó la tierra de gracia. Eso no había pasado –ni pasará– en Estados Unidos de América.

Allá pasó lo contrario. En Venezuela, la revolución de 1810 abolió el tráfico de esclavos y muchos rebeldes patriotas, le dieron libertad a sus esclavos, el primero de ellos, Simón Bolívar. La constancia de Bolívar en esto es admirable. En 1819 pidió encarecidamente al Congreso de Angostura la libertad de los esclavos. En 1821 se lo pidió al Congreso de Cúcuta. No tuvo éxito. Pero logró una ley de manumisión que fue matando lentamente a la odiosa institución y a la larga logró su propósito.

Cuando en 1854 José Gregorio Monagas promulgó la ley, la esclavitud estaba muerta.

En contraste con esto, en Estados Unidos en los 72 años que transcurren entre la Declaración de Derechos de 1791 y la Proclama de Emancipación de 1863 los esclavos negros aumentaron 85,4% de 575.420 a los 3.953.696 que había cuando estalla la guerra civil en 1861.

Por no haber tenido una ley de manumisión, solo 11% de la población negra era libre y 89% esclava. Por cada 8 esclavos negros había un negro libre.

Con este detalle: todos los negros libres estaban en los estados del Norte, y todos los esclavos estaban en los estados del Sur.

Los african-venezuelans
En Venezuela, como en todos los pueblos hispánicos de América, la esclavitud de los negros africanos corrió sobre patrones institucionales y conductas sociales que favorecían el trato humanitario, y la manumisión de los esclavos, muy distintas a las de angloamérica. En Venezuela, entre el siglo XVI y el siglo XIX, los negros se metamorfosearon en mulatos y pardos.

Para cuando la esclavitud es formalmente abolida en 1854, el camino de la integración del negro a la sociedad venezolana tenía un largo trecho recorrido.

Hoy, en Venezuela las relaciones raciales siguen un ancestral proceso de fusión e integración racial en paz y sin violencia. Los esfuerzos demenciales que Hugo Chávez hace para traer de Estados Unidos a los portavoces del veneno de odios raciales que infectan a esa sociedad, no son inocuos ni están exentos de peligros. Sin embargo, su presencia en Venezuela y su reclutamiento para que allá los círculos negros defiendan a la “revolución bolivariana” es vista con indiferencia, cuando no con sorna. Eso es un error.

Esa gente se refiere a los negros venezolanos como africanvenezuelans. Esa mayúscula ridiculez, no debe ser vista con indiferencia, ni se la puede eximir de la severa crítica que merece la política chavista de importar de Estados Unidos, no lo mucho que de bueno tiene esa admirable sociedad sino uno de los aspectos más sórdidos y negativos, que trae a nuestro medio, el virus exótico y ajeno a nuestra idiosincrasia de pueblo del odio de razas.

El enigma oculto

Dicho y aclarado esto, es hora de admitir y reconocer la importancia del ingrediente negro de nuestra nacionalidad.

El componente negro de nuestra cultura ha sido y es un enigma artificialmente oculto.

Nuestra mal contada y peor entendida historia elude el asunto de su componente negro por razones que la razón no entiende. Hay excelentes monografías sobre el tema. Pero las que no son parciales, están contaminadas de marxismo mal digerido. En todo caso, ninguna se acerca en metodología y profundidad a la obra que Gilberto Freyre hizo para el caso del componente negro del Brasil.

Ese hueco debería ser llenado.

Para empezar a ubicar el fenómeno de la esclavitud en Venezuela y la América española y portuguesa, en un escenario veraz y objetivo, hay que precisar los hechos y las magnitudes que le son propios. Lo primero que hay que observar es que los esclavos negros fueron traídos en el inicio de la fusión integradora de los españoles y portugueses con los aborígenes. Esto no sucede en la América inglesa francesa y holandesa, donde blancos indios y negros permanecen segregados. Los negros entraron de inmediato a ser ingrediente de la olla de fusión racial, produciendo de inmediato generaciones de mulatos, pardos, sambos y mestizos que para fines del siglo XVIII eran parte de una masa racialmente homogénea que por su magnitud rompía todas las barreras que la artificial estratificación racial de los Borbones había impuesto.

Sin embargo, el hecho fue que los negros no llegaron a Venezuela como conquistadores ni estaban de este lado del mar, para ser conquistados. Fueron traídos de África como esclavos.

Y de todos los enigmas y misterios que hay en el estudio del proceso formativo de Venezuela y de todos los pueblos hispánicos de América, la integración de los negros a las sociedades que aquí se forman, el componente negro es el más complejo y el menos estudiado.

Mientras castellanos y portugueses atraviesan el Atlántico con la carga de sus componentes culturales mediterráneos, latinos, germánicos y sarracenos, los negros pierden en la terrible molienda de la esclavitud, su lengua, su identidad, y casi todas sus creencias y sus costumbres. Como esponjas exprimidas, y no como pueblos conquistados, absorben la lengua la cultura y ciertos aspectos superficiales y ceremoniales de la religión de sus amos a la cual, por la peculiar ductilidad del catolicismo, le prestan algunas características de sus olvidados cultos africanos.

Los negros tendrán como maestros de su integración a las sociedades a la atroz disciplina del cepo, de la barraca, y del confinamiento a la plantación o la mina. Sus caras y sus cuerpos serán marcados con fuego y su mente será educada con la persuasión del látigo y la autoridad de quien como su dueño, se lucra del fruto de su trabajo. En su alma anidará la amargura de esa espantosa injusticia, que su emancipación no borrará. Los negros libres siguieron siendo víctimas del peso de su ignorancia y su pobreza. Durante mucho tiempo fueron segregados por el color de su piel. El paralelismo entre negritud pobreza e ignorancia, es hoy una realidad que no se puede ignorar.

La terca permanencia de los vicios de la relación esclavista se proyectará más allá del fin de la esclavitud y llega hasta nuestros días. Si las víctimas quedaron marcadas, los victimarios también. Los hábitos de inhumanidad, arbitrariedad, despotismo, complejo de superioridad.

Conocerlos y reconocerlos es vital para saber dónde estamos.

Ciertamente en hispanoamérica en forma muy distinta a la de angloamérica. Pero en todas partes en donde el negro fue esclavizado, el veneno de la esclavitud sigue infectando nuestro comportamiento social.

La guerra racial
La narración histórica de los escasos meses que van del 19 de abril de 1810 a la capitulación de Miranda el 25 de julio de 1812 ha sido estudiada y contada hipertrofiando sus aspectos políticos, ideológicos y militares; pero obviando el hecho de que eso hizo estallar la explosiva contradicción de una sociedad artificialmente segregada por leyes de clasismo racial que no se compadecían con su cultura sexual. Aunque no ha sido reconocida como tal, la reacción que derrotó a Bolívar en 1814 fue racial.

En 1812, los pardos, negros y mulatos no apoyaron a los mantuanos rebeldes. Corrieron a ponerse del lado de Monteverde.

Cuando percibieron que este reinstalaría el sistema que los había mantenido segregados, lo dejaron de lado. Ese respiro fue aprovechado por Bolívar quien regresó en la admirable campaña que lo trajo de Cúcuta a Caracas a ser proclamado libertador y dictador.

Cuando los negros, pardos y mulatos escucharon del programa político de Boves, que proclamaba la aniquilación de los blancos por el hecho de serlo y la aglutinación de los pardos negros y mulatos, no por la afinidad de sus convicciones republicanas, sino por su piel morena, su pelo ensortijado, su odio al blanco, su apetito por el saqueo y su gusto por la anarquía, corrieron a ponerse a su lado.

Esa formidable paradoja es la que pone a la orden de un caudillo asturiano y pelirrojo, huestes inmensas de pardos y negros que lo siguen obedecen y luchan en contra de Bolívar, en los terribles años de 1813 y 1814. De esa maraña de contradicciones, la más desconcertante de todas, para quienes no penetren los vericuetos de su laberinto, fue su resultado.

En efecto, la feroz y sanguinaria lucha racial de esos años, fue el catalizador que aceleró y completó la fusión racial del venezolano, y no para ahondar sus diferencias.

Cuando en 1815 las huestes de negros pardos y mulatos percibieron que el Pacificador Pablo Morillo no les daría lo que ellos querían, cambiaron de bando. Lo que le siguió es parte del oculto enigma de nuestra negritud histórica. 


Genetic Connections between Dominicans and Mexicans
Sonora: Four Centuries of Indigenous Resistance
The Aztecs are Alive and well: The Náhuatl Language in México

Genetic Connections between Dominicans and Mexicans
Sent by Robert Tarin

This information had been forwarded to me in an email I thought I'd pass it along as some with roots in Mexico may find DNA cousins in the islands. I have also provided a translation of the text at the end. I believe the original sender of the email is identified as Horacio Gonzalez []:

[Text of original email]

Desde 1721 un grupo enorme de indios armados había tomado por asalto la villa de Monclova, capital del Reino. Mataron a los soldados del Presidio, robaron la caballada y saquearon las casas. Algunos vecinos habían llegado hasta Saltillo para pedir socorro y tuvo que salir, en ayuda de Monclova, una escuadra de tlaxcaltecas. En 1723 y 25 de nuevo habían sido atacadas diversas poblaciones y misiones, quedando algunas incendiadas y en ruinas. El Virrey, entonces, solicitó al Rey el permiso para crear una tropa de ataque. El Rey respondió aceptando que a los indios belicosos se les apresara y fueran trasladados a otro lugar en que no hicieran daños. En su carta, el monarca permitía exterminar a las tres grandes etnias que encabezaban la rebelión: los coahuileños, los chisos y los cocoyomes. Sobra decir que en el vocabulario en uso la palabra exterminio no significaba acabar con ellos, sino ponerlos, colocarlos fuera de los límites, es decir, desterrarlos. Un enorme expediente que se encuentra en el Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla relata los pormenores de esta gran insurrección y su castigo por la Armada Real. El grupo étnico que da nombre a nuestro estado, los coahuileños, fue deportado junto con chisos y cocoyomes a las grandes islas del Caribe: uno quedó en Cuba, el otro en Santo Domingo y el tercero en Puerto Rico. La Armada de Barlovento los condujo allá.

[Translation of text]

From 1721 an enormous group of armed Indians had taken to assault the town of Monclova, the capital of the Kingdom. They killed the soldiers of the Presidio, stole the horseherd and plundered the homes. Some residents had come up to Saltillo to ask for help and a squad of Tlaxcaltecas had to go out, in help of Monclova. In 1723 and 25 again, diverse populations and missions had been attacked, some remaining in flames and in ruins. The Viceroy then requested the King for permission to create a troop of attack. The King answered accepting that the warlike Indians be caught and moved to another place in which they could not do damage. In his letter, the monarch was allowing the extermination of the three large ethnic groups that headed the rebellion, the Coahuileños, the Chisos and the Cocoyomes. Suffice it to say that in the vocabulary in use then, the word extermination did not signify to put an end to them, but to put them or to place them out of the limits, that is to say, to exile them. An enormous amount of records found in the Archives of the Indies in Seville report the details of this great uprising and its punishment by the Royal Armada. The ethnic group that gives the name to our state, the Coahuileños, was deported together with the Chisos and Cocoyomes, to the large islands of the Caribbean. One stayed in Cuba, another in Santo Domingo and the third one in Puerto Rico. The armada of Barlovento transported them there.


Robert Tarín

Moderator for the Tarín Genetic Genealogy Forum

¡Hasta los huesos





By John P. Schmal


Located in northwestern Mexico, Sonora has a surface area of 70,484 square miles (182,554 square kilometers), and takes up 9.4% of Mexico’s national territory. Sonora occupies 180,833 square kilometers, which amounts to 9.2% of the national territory of Mexico. Sonora shares 588 kilometers of borders with the United States, specifically with the States of Arizona and New Mexico. This state also shares a common border with the Mexican states of Chihuahua (on the east), Sinaloa (on the southeast), and Baja California (northwest). Sonora also shares a long shoreline along the Gulf of California.

Sonora has a total population of 2,183,108, making up 2.2% of the national percentage of the Mexican Republic. Sonora, with Hermosillo with its capital, is a mostly mountainous state, with vast desert stretches, located along the Gulf of California in Northwestern Mexico. Politically, Sonora is divided into seventy-two municipios.

During the early part of the Spanish colonial period, Sonora belonged to the Spanish province of Nueva Vizcaya, which took up a great deal of territory (610,000 square kilometers), most of which today corresponds with four Mexican states. Because of its great mineral wealth, the Spaniards took a special interest in the southern part of Sonora. However, the indigenous people of Sonora waged a long battle of resistance against the Spaniards, a resistance that did not really end until the Twentieth Century. This is the history of that resistance:

First Contact: 1531. In December 1529, the professional lawyer turned Conquistador, Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán, led an expedition of 300 Spaniards and 10,000 Indian allies (Tlaxcalans, Aztecs and Tarascans) into the coastal region of what is now called Sinaloa. Before arriving in the coastal region, Guzmán's army had ravaged through Michoacán, Jalisco, Zacatecas, and Nayarit, provoking the natives to give battle everywhere he went. The historian Peter Gerhard, in The North Frontier of New Spain, observed that Guzmán's army "engaged in wholesale slaughter and enslavement." 

In March 1531, Guzmán's army reached the site of present-day Culiacán (now in Sinaloa), where his force engaged an army of 30,000 warriors in a pitched battle. The indigenous forces were decisively defeated and, as Mr. Gerhard notes, the victors "proceeded to enslave as many people as they could catch." The indigenous people confronted by Guzmán belonged to the Cáhita language group. Speaking eighteen closely related dialects, the Cáhita peoples of Sinaloa and Sonora numbered about 115,000 and were the most numerous of any single language group in northern Mexico. These Indians inhabited the coastal area of northwestern Mexico along the lower courses of the Sinaloa, Fuerte, Mayo, and Yaqui Rivers.

During his stay in Sinaloa, Guzmán's army was ravaged by an epidemic that killed many of his Amerindian auxiliaries. Finally, in October 1531, after establishing San Miguel de Culiacán on the San Lorenzo River, Guzmán returned to the south, his mostly indigenous army decimated by hunger and disease. But the Spanish post at Culiacán remained, Mr. Gerhard writes, as "a small outpost of Spaniards surrounded on all sides but the sea by hostile Indians kept in a state of agitation" by the slave-hunting activities of the Spaniards. Nuño de Guzmán was eventually brought to justice for his genocidal actions.

As the Spaniards moved northward they found an amazing diversity of indigenous groups. Unlike the more concentrated Amerindian groups of central Mexico, the Indians of the north were referred to as "ranchería people" by the Spaniards. Their fixed points of settlements (rancherías) were usually scattered over an area of several miles and one dwelling may be separated from the next by up to half a mile. The renowned anthropologist, Professor Edward H. Spicer (1906-1983), writing in Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960, stated that most ranchería people were agriculturalists and farming was their primary activity. 

Hurdaide's Offensive in Sinaloa (1599-1600). In 1599, Captain Diego de Hurdaide established San Felipe y Santiago on the site of the modern city of Sinaloa. From here, Captain Hurdaide waged a vigorous military campaign that subjugated the Cáhita-speaking Indians of the Fuerte River - the Sinaloas, Tehuecos, Zuaques, and Ahomes. These indigenous groups, numbering approximately 20,000 people, resisted strongly.

Initial Contact with the Mayo Indians (1609-1610). The Mayo Indians were an important Cáhita-speaking tribe occupying some fifteen towns along the Mayo and Fuerte rivers of southern Sonora and northern Sinaloa. As early as 1601, they had developed a curious interest in the Jesuit-run missions of their neighbors. The Mayos sent delegations to inspect the Catholic churches and, as Professor Spicer observes, "were so favorably impressed that large groups of Mayos numbering a hundred or more also made visits and became acquainted with Jesuit activities." As the Jesuits began their spiritual conquest of the Mayos, Captain Hurdaide, in 1609, signed a peace treaty with the military leaders of the Mayos.

Spanish Contact with the Yaqui Indians (1610). At contact, the Yaqui Indians occupied the coastal region of Sinaloa along the Yaqui River. Divided into eighty autonomous communities, their primary activity was agriculture. Although the Yaqui Indians had resisted Guzmán's advance in 1531, they had welcomed Francisco de Ibarra who came in peace in 1565, apparently in the hopes of winning the Spaniards as allies in the war against their traditional enemies, the Mayos.

In 1609, as Captain Hurdaide became engaged with the pacification of the Ocoronis (another Cahita-speaking group of northern Sinaloa), he reached the Yaqui River, where he was confronted by a group of Yaquis. Then, in 1610, with the Mayo and Lower Pima Indians as his allies, Captain Hurdaide returned to Yaqui territory with a force of 2,000 Indians and forty Spanish soldiers. He was soundly defeated. When he returned with another force of 4,000 Indian foot soldiers and fifty mounted Spanish cavalry, he was again defeated in a bloody daylong battle. 

Conversion of the Mayo Indians (1613-1620). In 1613, at their own request, the Mayos accepted Jesuit missionaries. Soon after, the Jesuit Father Pedro Mendez established the first mission in Mayo territory. In the first fifteen days, more than 3,000 persons received baptism. By 1620, with 30,000 persons baptized, the Mayos had been concentrated in seven mission towns.

Conversion of the Yaqui Indians (1617-1620). In 1617, the Yaquis, utilizing the services of Mayo intermediaries, invited the Jesuit missionaries to begin their work among them. Professor Spicer noted that after observing the Mayo-Jesuit interactions that started in 1613, the Yaquis seemed to be impressed with the Jesuits. Bringing a message of everlasting life, the Jesuits impressed the Yaquis with their good intentions and their spirituality. Their concern for the well being of the Indians won the confidence of the Yaqui people. In seeking to protect the Yaqui from exploitation by mine owners and encomenderos, the Jesuits came into direct conflict with the Spanish political authorities. From 1617 to 1619, nearly 30,000 Yaquis were baptized. By 1623, the Jesuits had reorganized the Yaquis from about eighty rancherías into eight mission villages.

Detachment of the Province of Sinaloa and Sonora (1733). In 1733, Sinaloa and Sonora were detached from Nueva Vizcaya and given recognition as the province of Sonora y Sinaloa. Ms. Deeds commented that this detachment represented a recognition of "the growth of a mining and ranching secular society in this northwestern region." 

Rebellion of the Yaqui, Pima, and Mayo Indians - Sinaloa and Sonora (1740). The Yaqui and Mayo Indians had lived in peaceful coexistence with the Spaniards since the early part of the Seventeenth Century. Ms. Deeds, in describing the causes of this rebellion, observes that the Jesuits had ignored "growing Yaqui resentment over lack of control of productive resources." During the last half of the Seventeenth Century, so much agricultural surplus was produced that storehouses needed to be built. These surpluses were used by the missionaries to extend their activities northward into the California and Pima missions. The immediate cause of the rebellion is believed to have been a poor harvest in late 1739, followed in 1740 by severe flooding which exacerbated food shortages. 

Ms. Deeds also points out that the "increasingly bureaucratic and inflexible Jesuit organization obdurately disregarded Yaqui demands for autonomy in the selection of their own village officials." Thus, this rebellion, writes Ms. Deeds, was "a more limited endeavor to restore the colonial pact of village autonomy and territorial integrity." At the beginning of the revolt, an articulate leader named El Muni emerged in the Yaqui community. El Muni and another Yaqui leader, Bernabé, took the Yaquis' grievances to local civil authorities. Resenting this undermining of their authority, the Jesuits had Muni and Bernabé arrested. 

The arrests triggered a spontaneous outcry, with two thousand armed indigenous men gathering to demand the release of the two leaders. The Governor, having heard the complaints of both sides, recommended that the Yaqui leaders go to Mexico City to testify personally before the Viceroy and Archbishop Vizrón. In February 1740, the Archbishop approved all of the Yaqui demands for free elections, respect for land boundaries, that Yaquis be paid for work, and that they not be forced to work in mines. 

The initial stages of the 1740 revolt saw sporadic and uncoordinated activity in Sinaloa and Sonora, primarily taking place in the Mayo territory and in the Lower Pima Country. Catholic churches were burned to the ground while priests and settlers were driven out, fleeing to the silver mining town at Alamos. Eventually, Juan Calixto raised an army of 6,000 men, composed of Pima, Yaqui and Mayo Indians. With this large force, Calixto gained control of all the towns along the Mayo and Yaqui Rivers. 

Agustín de Vildósola defeated the insurgents. The rebellion, however, had cost the lives of a thousand Spaniards and more than 5,000 Indians. After the 1740 rebellion, the new Governor of Sonora and Sinaloa began a program of secularization by posting garrisons in the Yaqui Valley and encouraging Spanish residents to return to the area of rebellion. The Viceroy ordered the partition of Yaqui land in a "prudent manner." The Yaquis had obtained a reputation for being courageous warriors during the rebellion of 1740 and the Spanish handled them quite gingerly during the late 1700s. As a result, the government acquisition of Yaqui lands did not begin began until 1768.

Pima Rebellion of 1751-1752. The Pima Indians have lived for many centuries in scattered locations throughout what are today the western two-thirds of southern Arizona and northern Sonora. While the Pimas Altos (Upper Pima Indians) lived in the north, their linguistic brethren, the Pima Bajo (Lower Pima) lived farther south in lower Sonora. 

During the 1740s, the Pima Indians began to feel agitated by the presence of the Spaniards in their territory. In November 1751, under the leadership of a Pima leader, Captain-General Luís Oacpicagigua, the Pima rose in revolt. Within a few days more than a hundred settlers, miners, and ranchers were killed. Churches were burned, and two priests were also killed. However, on January 4, 1752, approximately 2,000 northern Pimans attacked less than one hundred Spaniards, only to be repulsed with a loss of forty-three dead. The Pima Revolt lasted only four months, ending with the surrender of Luís Oacpicagigua, who offered himself in sacrifice and atonement for his whole people, endeavoring to spare them the consequences of their uprising.

Apache Offensives in Sonora and Chihuahua (1751-1774). The word "Apache" comes from the Yuma word for "fighting-men". It also comes from a Zuni word meaning "enemy". Cynthia Radding, the author of The Colonial Pact and Changing Ethnic Frontiers in Highland Sonora, 1740-1840, refers to the Apaches as "diverse bands" of hunter-gatherers "related linguistically to the Athapaskan speakers of Alaska and western Canada." The Apaches were composed of six regional groups: (1) the Western Apaches (Coyotero) of eastern Arizona; (2) the Chiricahua of southwestern New Mexico, southeastern Arizona, Chihuahua and Sonora; (3) the Mescalero of southern New Mexico; (4) the Jicarilla of Colorado, northern New Mexico and northwestern Texas; (5) the Lipan Apache of New Mexico and Texas; and (6) the Kiowa Apache of Colorado, Oklahoma, and Texas.

The first Apache raids on Sonora appear to have taken place during the early part of the late Seventeenth Century. In fact, to counter the early Apache thrusts into Sonora, presidios were established at Janos (1685) in Chihuahua and at Fronteras (1690) in northern Opata country. The Apache depredations continued into the Eighteenth Century and prompted Captain Juan Mateo Mange in 1737 to report that "many mines have been destroyed, 15 large estancias along the frontier have been totally destroyed, having lost two hundred head of cattle, mules, and horses; several missions have been burned and two hundred Christians have lost their lives to the Apache enemy, who sustains himself only with the bow and arrow, killing and stealing livestock. All this has left us in ruins."

In the 1750s, the fiercest of all Apache tribes, the Chiricahua, began hunting and raiding along the mountainous frontier regions of both Sonora and Chihuahua. In 1751, the Sonorans mounted a punitive campaign against the Chiricahua, capturing two of their leaders. In 1753 and 1754, the Apaches once again attacked the settlements and ranches near Valle de San Buenaventura and Casas Grandes. As a result, another expedition of 190 Sonorans, 140 Opata allies, and 86 Spanish troops from Chihuahua went out in search of the marauders during 1756. When Apache raiders hit the region south of San Buenaventura in late 1760, an expedition of 100 Spanish troops and 130 Indian auxiliaries attacked the raiders. 

The pressure of constant warfare waged against these nomads led the Spanish military to adopt a policy of maintaining armed garrisons of paid soldiers (presidios) in the problem areas. By 1760, Spain boasted a total of twenty-three presidios in the frontier regions. But the Apaches, responding to these garrisons, developed "important adaptations in their mode of subsistence, warfare, and social organization. They became highly skilled horsemen whose mobility helped them elude presidio troops.

Professor Robert Salmon, the author of Indian Revolts in Northern New Spain: A Synthesis of Resistance (1680-1786) writes that the continuing Indian attacks eventually "broke the chain of ineffective presidios established to control them." As the end of the Eighteenth Century approached, the Apaches represented a major threat to the continued Spanish occupation of Sonora and Chihuahua. And, as Professor Salmon concludes, "Indian warriors exacted high tolls in commerce, livestock, and lives." The damage caused by Apache raids was calculated in hundreds of thousands of pesos, and many ranches, farms and mining centers throughout Chihuahua had to be abandoned.

Professor Griffen mentions that the Apache raiders in Chihuahua "displaced or assimilated other groups of hunter-gatherers known as the Sumas, Mansos, Chinarras, Sumanos, Jocomes, and Janos." As a result, Ms. Radding observes, the Spaniards, Pimas, and Opatas found it necessary to form "an uneasy, but necessary, alliance against the Apaches." The Opata Indians controlled the major river valleys of Central Sonora. 

Seri Offensives (1757-1766). At the time of contact, the Seri Indians lived along the arid central coast of Sonora and shared boundaries with the Yaqui on the south and the Pima and Pápago on the east and north. The first known battle between the Seris and the Spaniards took place in 1662. A century later, on November 3, 1757, a war party of Seris and rebel northern Pimans struck the settlement of San Lorenzo (Sonora), killing thirty-two persons. This brazen affront called for military reprisal, and the Spaniards collected troops to chase the offenders back to the coastal area. 

In 1760, Captain Juan Bautista de Anza took over command of the Tubac Presidio in Southern Arizona and embarked into Seri country near the Gulf of California. In 1761, presidios were denuded of troops in order to supply personnel and materials for the offensive. A force of 184 Spanish soldiers, 217 allied Indians and twenty citizens went on the offensive against the Seris. They succeeded in slaying forty-nine Seris and capturing sixty-three, while recovering 322 horses. 

The Jesuits are Banished (1767). In 1767 King Carlos III, for political reasons, abruptly banished the Jesuits from all his realms. Hundreds of mission establishments, schools and colleges had to be turned over to other missionary orders or converted to other uses. The Franciscans who took over the missionary effort in Sonora and Chihuahua inherited all the woes that had frustrated the Jesuits: restless neophytes, Apache hostility, disease, encroaching settlers, and lack of government support. 

The Sonora Campaign (1767-1771). The Sonora Expedition of 1767 was led by Colonel Domingo Elizondo. The expedition was the result of demands by settlers in Sonora who had for decades suffered raids by warring ranchería groups of that province. Pacification of rebel Indian warriors of the coastal region was the main objective of the expedition that was comprised of an extraordinary 1,100 men. This expedition represented the greatest military effort yet seen in this Spanish frontier province. 

During 1768, Colonel Elizondo's forces split up in an attempt to drive the Seri Indians into one area where a decisive battle could be fought. This mission failed to achieve its objective. The Indians, now well-trained in the art of hit-and-run and ambush style warfare, avoided direct confrontations with large Spanish armies. In 1771, after thirty-eight months of fighting, the Central Government in Mexico City put a stop to the Sonora Campaign, which was regarded as both costly and unsuccessful.

Peace Negotiations with the Apaches and Comanches (1777 - 1796). In 1777-78, Teodoro de Croix, the Commandant General of the Interior (frontier) provinces of Nueva España, called together three great conferences to discuss the Apache problem. "The Apache problem had existed on the frontier since the Spanish entered the country," writes Mr. Fehrenbach, "and each year it grew worse. The Apaches had five thousand warriors, armed with bows, lances, and firearms. They attacked only by surprise and only when they had the advantage." 

Croix determined that it would take an army of at least 3,000 soldiers to confront and eliminate the Apache threat. He thus came to the conclusion that an alliance with the Comanches - the dreaded enemies of the Apaches - would bring about a resolution of the Apache problem. However, bogged down with "bureaucratic delays and obfuscation," de Croix was never able to get the money or men to implement this plan. 

In 1779, Juan Bautista de Anza, the commander of the Tubac Presidio, gathered together an army of 600 men, which included 259 Amerindian auxiliaries and Spanish civilians, and marched north to the Colorado Plateau, in search of Comanches. Having estimated the Comanche population at 30,000 warriors spread across a large area, Anza attacked and surprised several bands of Comanches during 1783-84. Mr. Fehrenbach writes that Anza, operating with native allies and utilizing Indian tactics, earned the respect of the Comanches. 

Finally, in 1785, the Comanches started negotiations with Anza. The following year, a peace treaty was signed in which several of the Comanche tribes pledged to assist the Spaniards against the Apaches. Through this agreement, Mr. Fehrenbach observed, "the Comanches could now ride openly into Spanish settlements [and] New Mexican traders could move safely on the Comanche plains."

In 1786, the Viceroy of Nueva España, Bernardo de Galvez, instituted a series of reforms for the pacification of the frontier. His Instruccion of that year called for the formation of peace establishments (establecimientos de paz) for Apaches willing to settle down and become peaceful. Oscar J. Martínez, the author of Troublesome Border, described Spain's new policy of "pacification by dependency" toward the indigenous peoples. "Henceforth," writes Mr. Martínez, "Spaniards would endeavor to make treaties with individual bands, persuade them to settle near military stations where they would receive food rations, give them low-quality weapons for hunting, encourage trade, and use 'divide and conquer' tactics where appropriate."

Soon, several Apache bands were induced to forgo their raiding and warfare habits in exchange for farmlands, food, clothing, agricultural implements and obsolete hunting arms. Mr. Martínez concludes: "The Spaniards hoped that these measures would result in the establishment of a dependency relationship, which is precisely what materialized, and for nearly twenty-five years peaceful relations came to exist between the two groups."

In February 1786, the Spaniards established a general peace with the Comanches. At the same time, the level of Apache hostilities in both Chihuahua and Sonora decreased, giving way to small-scale skirmishes. However, the peace policy did not last and Apaches began a new series of raids. In eighteen months of action between April 19, 1786 and December 31, 1787, Apaches caused the deaths of 306 people and took thirty prisoners. In the same period, the Spanish forces had killed 326 Apaches and captured 365 prisoners. 

Eventually, however, the Apaches were brought back to the peace table. In the years to follow, peaceful Apaches settled down at Janos, Bacoachi, Carrizal, San Buenaventura and Namiquipa. By 1796, Antonio Cordero y Bustamante was reporting that this policy had met with considerable success on the frontier. However, Professor William B. Griffen, the author of Apaches at War and Peace: The Janos Presidio, 1750-1858, writes that "because of high administrative costs, and apparently because of restricted funds on the frontier due to the war with France," Spanish authorities started removing the peaceful Apaches from the presidios and urged them to return to the hinterland but to continue to keep the peace.

Yaqui, Mayo and Opata Rebellions of 1825-1833. After Mexico gained independence in 1822, the Yaquis became citizens of a new nation. During this time, there appeared a new Yaqui leader. Ms. Linda Zoontjens, the author of A Brief History of the Yaqui and Their Land, referred to Juan de la Cruz Banderas as a "revolutionary visionary" whose mission was to establish an Indian military confederation. Once again, the Mayo Indians joined their Yaqui neighbors in opposing the central authorities. With a following of 2,000 warriors, Banderas carried out several raids. But eventually, Banderas made an arrangement with the Government of Sonora. In exchange for his "surrender," Banderas was made the Captain-General of the Yaqui Militia. 

By early 1832, Banderas had formed an alliance with the Opatas. Together, the Opatas and Yaquis were able to field an army of almost 2,500 warriors, staging repeated raids against haciendas, mines and towns in Sonora. However, the Mexican army continued to meet the indigenous forces in battle, gradually reducing their numbers. Finally, in December 1832, volunteers tracked down and captured Banderas. The captive was turned over to the authorities and put on trial. A month later, in January 1833, Banderas was executed, along with eleven other Yaqui, Mayo and Opata leaders who had helped foment rebellion in Sonora.

The Yaqui people, after the capture and execution of Banderas, subsided into a tense, uneasy existence. Some, during periods of food shortage, would take up "peaceful" residence outside the presidios, to ask for rations. Others undertook low-level raiding. 

Confrontations with Comanches - Sonora, Chihuahua and Durango (1834-1853). In 1834, Mexico signed its third peace treaty with the Comanches of Texas. However, almost immediately Mexico violated the peace treaty and the Comanches resumed their raids in Texas and Chihuahua. In the following year, Sonora, Chihuahua and Durango reestablished bounties for Comanche scalps. Between 1848 and 1853, Mexico filed 366 separate claims for Comanche and Apache raids originating from north of the American border. 

A government report from 1849 claimed that twenty-six mines, thirty haciendas, and ninety ranches in Sonora had been abandoned or depopulated between 1831 and 1849 because of Apache depredations. In 1852, the Comanches made daring raids into Coahuila, Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango and even Tepic in Jalisco, some 700 miles south of the United States-Mexican border.

The Yaqui Indians (1838-1868). After the death of Banderas, the Yaqui Indians attempted to forge alliances with anyone who promised them land and autonomy. They would align themselves with the Centralists or Conservatives as long as those groups protected their lands from being encroached upon. But when General José Urrea took power in 1841, he oversaw the division of Yaqui lands from communal plots into private plots. 

Governor Ignacio Pesqueira of Sonora drew up a list of preventative measures to be used against the Yaquis, Opatas and their allies. These orders called for the execution of rebel leaders. In addition, hacienda owners were required to make up lists of all employees, including a notation for those who were suspected of taking part in rebellious activity against the civil government. These measures were ineffective in dealing with the growing unrest among the Yaqui and Opatas.

In 1867 Governor Pesqueira of Sonora organized two military expeditions against the Yaquis under the command of General Jesus Garcia Morales. The expeditions marched on Guaymas and Cócorit, both of which lay in the heart of Yaqui territory. These expeditions met at Medano on the Gulf Coast near the Jesuit-founded Yaqui town of Potam. The two expeditions, totaling about 900 men, did not meet with any organized resistance. Instead, small parties of Yaquis resisted their advance. By the end of the year, the Mexican forces had killed many Yaquis. The troops confiscated much livestock, destroyed food supplies, and shot most of the prisoners captured. 

Apache Depredations - Chihuahua and Sonora (1836-1852). In 1836, the famous Chiricahua leader, Cochise, took part in the signing of a peace treaty at Arizpe, Sonora. The peace did not last for too many years. From 1847 into the 1850s, Sonora was laid to waste by the Chiricahuas, whose leader was Miguel Narbona, who died in 1856.

Geronimo, the legendary Bedonkohe Apache leader of the Chiricahua Apaches, led his people in raids against the United States military and Mexican federal forces. Born sometime around 1823, Geronimo's real name was Goyahkla ("He Who Yawns"). In 1851, Geronimo was leading a party from the Mogollon Mountains of New Mexico into Mexico to trade at Casas Grandes in Chihuahua. His mother, wife, and three children were with him. His band set up a village on the outskirts of Casas Grandes. 

One day he and some others were returning from town and found that their village had been attacked by Mexican troops. The sentinels had been killed, the ponies stolen, weapons taken, supplies destroyed, and many women and children had been killed. Among the murdered were his mother, wife, and children. From this day forward, Geronimo was a changed person. He is said to have become bitter and quarrelsome and determined to oppose the nations he saw as his enemies.

Over the next few months he met with other Apache leaders, including Cochise, the leader of the Chiricahuas. Within four months of the massacre, Geronimo and the other leaders prepared for revenge. In January 1852, near Arizpe, Sonora, Geronimo battled about a hundred Mexican irregular soldiers. 

Yaqui Insurgencies - Sonora (1868-1875). During these years, the Yaquis regained their strength and periodically attacked Mexican garrisons in their territory. In March 1868, six hundred Yaquis arrived near the town of Bacum in the eastern Yaqui country to ask the local field commander for peace terms. However, the Mexican officer, Colonel Bustamante, arrested the whole group, including women and children. When the Yaquis gave up forty-eight weapons, Bustamante released 150 people but continued to hold the other 450 people. Taking his captives to a Yaqui church in Bacum as prisoners of war, he was able to identify ten of the captives as leaders. All ten of these men were shot without a trial.

Four hundred and forty people were left languishing in the church overnight, with Bustamante's artillery trained on the church door to discourage an escape attempt. However, during the night a fire was started in the church. The situation inside the church turned to chaos and confusion, as some captives desperately tried to break down the door. As the Yaquis fled the church, several salvos fired from the field pieces killed up to 120 people.

In 1875, the Mexican government suspected that a Yaqui insurrection was brewing. In an attempt to pacify the Yaquis, Governor Jose J. Pesqueira ordered a new campaign, sending five hundred troops from the west into the Yaqui country. A force of 1,500 Yaquis met the Mexican troops at Pitahaya. In the subsequent battle, the Yaquis are believed to have lost some sixty men. 

Cajeme and the Yaqui Rebellions During the Porfiriato (1876-1887). During the reign of Porfirio Díaz, the ongoing struggle for autonomy and land rights dominated Yaqui-Mexican relations. An extraordinary leader named Cajeme now took center stage in the Yaquis' struggle for autonomy. Cajeme, whose name meant "He who does not drink," was born José María Leyva. He learned Spanish and served in the Mexican army. Although Cajeme's parents were Yaqui Indians, he had become very Mexicanized. Cajeme's military service with the Mexican army was so exemplary that he was given the post of Alcalde Mayor of the Yaqui River area. Soon after receiving this promotion, however, Cajeme announced his intention to withdraw recognition of the Mexican Government if they did not grant the Yaquis self-government. Cajeme galvanized a new generation of Yaquis and Mayos and led his forces against selected towns in Yaqui Country. 

Mexican Offensives Against the Yaquis (1885-1901). Dr. Hatfield, in studying the struggle over Indian lands, wrote, "Rich Yaqui and Mayo valley lands possessed a soil and climate capable of growing almost any crop. Therefore, it was considered in the best national interest to open these lands to commercial development and foreign investors." During the 1880s, the Governor of Sonora, Carlos Ortiz, became concerned about his state's sovereignty over Indian lands. In the hopes of seizing Indian Territory, Ortiz withdrew his state troopers from the border region where they had been fighting the Apache Indians. In the meantime, Cajeme's forces began attacking haciendas, ranches and stations of the Sonora Railroad in the Guaymas and Alamos districts.

With rebel forces causing so much trouble, General Luis Torres, the Governor of Sonora, petitioned the Federal Government for military aid. Recognizing the seriousness of this rebellion, Mexican President Porfirio Díaz authorized his Secretary of War to begin a campaign against the Sonoran rebels. In 1885, 1,400 federal troops arrived in Sonora to help the Sonoran government put down the insurrection. Together with 800 state troops, the federal forces were organized into an expedition, with the intention of meeting the Yaquis in battle. 

During 1886, the Yaquis continued to fortify more of their positions. Once again, Mexican federal and state forces collaborated by making forays into Yaqui country. This expedition confiscated more than 20,000 head of livestock and, in April 1886, occupied the Yaqui town of Cócorit. On May 5, the fortified site of Anil was captured after a pitched battle. After suffering several serious military reverses, the Yaqui forces fell back to another fortified site at Buatachive, high in the Sierra de Bacatet, to make a last stand against the Mexican forces.

Putting together a fighting force of 4,000 Yaquis, along with thousands of Yaqui civilians, Cajeme prepared to resist. On May 12, after a four-day siege, Mexican troops under General Angel Martinez, attacked Buatachive. In a three-hour battle, the Mexican forces killed 200 Yaqui soldiers, while capturing hundreds of women and children. Cajeme and a couple thousand Yaquis managed to escape the siege.

After this staggering blow, Cajeme divided his forces into small bands of armed men. From this point on, the smaller units tried to engage government troops in small skirmishes. Although Cajeme asked the Federal authorities for a truce, the military leaders indicated that all Yaqui territory was part of the nation of Mexico. After a few months, expeditions into the war zone led to the capture of four thousand people. With the end of the rebellion in sight, General Luis Torres commenced with the military occupation of the entire Yaqui Nation.

With the end of hostilities, Mexican citizens began filtering into Yaqui territory to establish permanent colonies. On April 12, 1887, nearly a year after the Battle of Buatachive, Cajeme was apprehended near Guaymas and taken to Cócorit where he was to be executed before a firing squad in 1887. After being interviewed and photographed by Ramon Corral, he was taken by steamboat to Medano but was shot while trying to escape from the soldiers. 

Government forces, searching for and confronting armed Yaquis, killed 356 Yaqui men and women over a period of two years. A comprehensive search for the Yaqui holdouts in their hiding places forced the rebels into the Guaymas Valley where they mingled with Yaqui laborers on haciendas and in railroad companies. As a result, the Mexican Government accused owners of haciendas, mining and railroad companies of shielding criminal Yaqui fugitives. Circulars were issued which forbade the owners from giving money, provisions, or arms to the rebels. During this time, some Yaquis were able to slip across the border into Arizona to work in mines and purchase guns and ammunition. The Mexican border guards were unable to stop the steady supply of arms and provisions coming across the border from Arizona. Eventually, Mexico's Secretary of War ordered the recruitment of Opatas and Pimas to hunt down the Yaqui guerillas. 

In 1894-95, Luis Torres instituted a secret police system and carried out a meticulous survey of the entire Sierra de Bacatete, noting locations of wells supplying fresh water as well as all possible entrances and exits to the region. Renegade bands of Yaquis, familiar with the terrain of their own territory, were able to avoid capture by the government forces. During the campaign of 1895-97, captured rebels were deported to southern Mexico to be drafted into the army. 

In 1897, the commander of the campaign forces, General Torres initiated negotiations with the Yaqui leader Tetabiate, offering the Yaquis repatriation into their homeland. After a number of months of correspondence between the guerilla leader and a colonel in one of the regiments, a place was set for a peace agreement to be signed. On May 15, 1897, Sonora state officials and the Tetabiate signed the Peace of Ortiz. The Yaqui leader, Juan Maldonado, with 390 Yaquis, consisting of 74 families, arrived from the mountains for the signing of the peace treaty. 

In the six years following the signing of peace, Lorenzo Torres, the Governor of Sonora, made efforts to complete the Mexican occupation of Yaqui territory. Ignoring the terms of the peace treaty, four hundred Yaquis and their families defied the government and assembled in the Bacatete Mountains. Under the command of their leader Tetabiate, the Yaquis sustained themselves by making nighttime raids on the haciendas near Guaymas. 

In the meantime, Federal troops and army engineers, trying to survey the Yaqui lands for distribution, found the terrain to be very difficult and were constantly harassed by defiant rebel forces. The government could not understand the Yaqui refusal to divide their land and become individual property owners. Their insistence of communal ownership based on traditional indigenous values also supported their objection to having soldiers in their territory. However, resentful of the continuing military occupation of their territory, the Yaqui colonies of Bácum and Vícam took up arms in 1899. Large detachments of rebel Yaqui forces confronted troops on the Yaqui River and suffered large casualties. Afterwards, a force of three thousand fled to the sierras and barricaded themselves on a plateau called Mazocoba where they were defeated by government troops.

When Tetabiate and the rebel forces fled to the Sierras, the government sent out its largest contingent to date with almost five thousand federal and state troops to crush this latest rebellion. Laws restricting the sale of firearms were reenacted and captured rebels were deported from the state. On January 18,1900, three columns of his Government forces encountered a party of Yaquis at Mazocoba in the heart of the Bacatete Mountains. The Yaquis, mostly on foot, were pursued into a box canyon in a rugged portion of the mountains. 

After a daylong battle, the Yaquis ceased fighting. The soldiers had killed 397 men, women, and some children, while many others had committed suicide by jumping off the cliffs. Roughly a thousand women and children were taken prisoner. By the end of 1900, there were only an estimated 300 rebels holding out in the Bacatete Mountains. Six months later, Tetabiate was betrayed and murdered by one of his lieutenants and the Secretary of War called off the campaign in August 1901.

Deportation of Yaqui Indians (1902-1910). Following the Battle of Mazocoba and the killing of Tetabiate, Mexican forces continued to patrol the Bacatetes. The Mexicans pursued Yaqui rebels wherever there were alleged to be. The government also put pressure on Seri Indians to kill and cut off the hands of Yaquis who had sought refuge on Tiburon Island. 

Meanwhile the federal government had decided on a course of action for clearing Yaquis out of the state of Sonora. Colonel Emilio Kosterlitzky was placed in charge of Federal Rural Police in the state with orders to round up all Yaquis and deport them southward. Between 1902 -1908, between eight and possibly as many as fifteen thousand of the estimated population of thirty thousand Yaquis were deported. 

The years 1904 through 1907 witnessed an intensification of guerilla activities and corresponding government persecution. The state government issued passports to Yaquis and those not having them were arrested and jailed. The Sonoran Governor Rafael Izábel was so intent on pacifying the Yaquis that he conducted his own arrests. These arrests included women, children as well as sympathizers. "When Yaqui rebellion threatened Sonora's mining interests," writes Dr. Hatfield, "Governor Rafael Izábel deported Yaquis, considered superior workers by all accounts, to work on Yacatán's henequen plantations." 

In analyzing the Mexican Government's policy of deportation, Dr. Hatfield observed that deportation of the Yaquis resulted from "the Yaquis' determination to keep their lands. Yaqui refusal to submit to government laws conflicted with the Mexican government's attempts to end all regional hegemony. The regime hoped to take Yaqui lands peacefully, but this the Yaquis prevented." 

The bulk of the Yaquis were sent to work on hennequen plantations in the Yucatán and some were sent to work in the sugar cane fields in Oaxaca. Sonoran hacendados protested the persecution and deportation of the Yaquis because without their labor, their crops could not be cultivated or harvested. In the early Nineteenth Century, many Yaqui men emigrated to Arizona in order to escape subjugation and deportation to southern Mexico. Today, some 10,000 Yaqui Indians live in the United States, many of them descended from the refugees of a century ago. 

Dr. Hatfield, in looking back on the long struggle of the Yaqui against the federal government, writes "A government study published in 1905 cited 270 instances of Yaqui and Mayo warfare between 1529 and 1902, excluding eighty-five years of relative peace between 1740 and 1825." But from 1825 to 1902, the Yaqui Nation was waging war on the government almost continuously.

By 1910, the Yaquis had been almost entirely eliminated from their homeland. The Yaquis fought their last major battle with Mexican forces in 1927. However, in 1939, Mexican President Cardenas granted the Yaqui tribe official recognition and title to roughly one-third of their traditional tribal lands.

Indigenous Groups Past and Present. In the 1895 census, Sonora was reported to have 27,790 persons aged 5 years or more who spoke an indigenous language, compared to a Spanish-speaking population of 162,236. But this figure dropped steadily, in the 1900 census to 25,894 indigenous speakers and in 1910 to 14,554.

In the unique 1921 Mexican census, residents of each state were asked to classify themselves in several categories, including "indígena pura" (pure indigenous), "indígena mezclada con blanca" (indigenous mixed with white) and "blanca" (white). Out of a total state population of 275,127, 37,914 persons (or 13.8%) claimed to be of pure indigenous background. A much larger number – 111,089, or 40.4% – classified themselves as being mixed, while 115,151 (41.9%) claimed to be white.

In the 1921 census, only 6,765 residents of Sonora admitted to speaking an indigenous language. The most commonly spoken indigenous language was the Mayo language, which 5,941 individuals used. The Yaqui language was spoken by only 562 persons. This meager showing may have been the result of the deportations, but may also indicate that many Yaqui speakers were fearful of admitting their linguistic and cultural identity, for fear of government reprisal. By the time of the 1930 census, 6,024 residents of Sonora claimed to speak indigenous languages, and another 18,873 were bilingual, speaking Spanish and an indigenous language.

In the present day, the Yaquis have managed to maintain a form of autonomy within the Mexican nation. In the 2000 Mexican census, Sonora had a total of 55,694 persons who were classified as speakers of indigenous languages five years of age and over. This group represented only 2.85% of the entire population of Sonora. The population of persons speaking the Yaqui language, however, was only 12,467. The number of persons speaking the Mayo language was 25,879, representing almost half of all the indigenous speakers. Several thousand Zapotecos and Mixtecos – migrant laborers from the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca – also resided in the state.

After five centuries, the Yaqui identity has been successfully preserved but is in danger of cultural extinction. "They are threatened continually by the expansion of the Mexican population, as landless Mexicans invade their territory or intermarry with Yaquis and start to take over some of the lands," explained Joe Wilder, Director of the University of Arizona's Southwest Center. "The Yaquis are at once deeply admired by Sonorans and deeply despised," said Wilder, noting that the Yaqui deer dancer is the official state symbol. To many Americans, the Yaqui Indians represent an enduring legacy of the pre-Hispanic era. Because the mestizaje and assimilation of many Mexican states was so complete and widespread, the Yaqui Indians are seen as a rare vestige of the old Mexico.

Copyright © 2004, by John P. Schmal.


Susan M. Deeds, "Indigenous Rebellions on the Northern Mexican Mission Frontier: From First-Generation to Later Colonial Responses," in Susan Schroeder, Native Resistance and the Pax Colonial in New Spain. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1998, pp. 1-29.

Departamento de la Estadísticas Nacional. Annuario de 1930. Tacubaya, D.F., 1932.

Dr. Henry F. Dobyns, Tubac Through Four Centuries: An Historical Resume and Analysis. Online: . September 8, 2001.

T. R. Fehrenbach, Comanches: The Destruction of a People. New York: Da Capo Press, 1994.

Jack D. Forbes, Apache, Navajo, and Spaniard. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994 (2nd ed.)

Shelley Bowen Hatfield, Chasing Shadows: Indians Along the United States-Mexico Border 1876-1911. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998.

Oscar J. Martínez, Troublesome Border. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1988. 

Cynthia Radding, "The Colonial Pact and Changing Ethnic Frontiers in Highland Sonora, 1740-1840," in Donna J. Guy and Thomas E. Sheridan (eds.), Contested Ground: Comparative Frontiers on the Northern and Southern Edges of the Spanish Empire, pp. 52-66. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1998.

Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518-1764. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991.

Robert Mario Salmon, Indian Revolts in Northern New Spain: A Synthesis of Resistance (1680-1786). Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1991.

Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press, 1997.

Edward H. Spicer, The Military History Of The Yaquis From 1867 To 1910: Three Points Of View. <Online: . September 12, 2001.

Linda Zoontjens, Brief History of the Yaqui and their Land. Online: .  July 8, 2001


The Náhuatl Language in México

By John P. Schmal


On August 13, 1521, Tenochtitlán – the capital of the extensive Aztec Empire – fell to a large force of Spanish and indigenous soldiers. The magnificent city had been under siege for 79 days, as many of its Mexica warriors fought with great courage against an enemy that numbered between 100,000 and 150,000. However, with their lifeline to food sources and water supplies cut off, women, children, and men were dying from dehydration, starvation and disease at an incredible rate. According to Aztec historians, 240,000 inhabitants of the great city had died by the end of the siege. The destruction of Tenochtitlán and the Aztec Empire had been describe in greater detail by this author at the following link:

The conquest of Tenochtitlán spelled the end of the great Aztec Empire. But even with the death of the political entity that had ruled over so much of central and southern México, the Aztec culture – together with the Náhuatl language that its people spoke – endured through much of central and eastern México. In some communities, the Aztec culture and language actually thrived over the centuries. The Mexican census of 2000 indicated that 1,448,936 persons spoke the Náhuatl language, representing 24.0% of all indigenous speakers in the country. And, among the Náhuatl speakers, 195,934 persons (or 13.5%) were actually monolingual and unable to speak the Spanish language.

After forging important alliances with several Indian leaders, Captain Hernán Cortés had led a large coalition of Spanish soldiers and indigenous warriors against the Mexica of Tenochtitlán. Once they had consolidated their position, the Spaniards laid waste to the city, leveling the majestic temples, pyramids and palaces that had dominated the capital’s landscape. Tenochtitlán itself was rebuilt as a Spanish-style colonial capital and was renamed La Ciudad de México (México City).

Although the Spaniards and their Christian Indian allies sought to remove all vestiges of the Mexica’s culture and heritage, Cortés and his military advisers also recognized that their victory was only made possible by the help of their indigenous allies, most of whom were, like the Mexica, members of the Aztec culture and speakers of the Náhuatl language.

The Mexica had ruled over the vast Aztec Empire from Tenochtitlán, but they were actually only one ethnic group of many that made up the Aztec culture. The Náhuatl language that they spoke was just one component of the widespread Aztec culture that dominated much of central and eastern México. The intricate relationships among the Náhuatl-speaking languages and their origins have been described in greater detail by this author at the following location:

At first, the Spanish authorities tried to persuade the native peoples of México to learn Spanish after they had converted them to Christianity and destroyed their temples. In 1560, King Charles of Spain decreed that all the Mexican natives were to be taught in Spanish. However, enacting laws was one thing, but putting the laws into action was clearly another. As the Mexican people clung to their language and many of their traditions, many Spanish Catholic priests decided to learn Náhuatl as a means to understand the customs of the local populations they planned to convert. In most cases, the friars discovered it was easier to convert the natives in their own tongue. As a result, a genealogical researcher in the present day will find that some Catholic Church records in Pueblo, Hidalgo and México State were actually written in the Náhuatl language well into the Eighteenth Century.

One Aztec group, the Tlaxcalans, had played an indispensable role in the conquest of Tenochtitlán and would spend the next few centuries working side-by-side with their Spanish compatriots, helping to colonize and Christianize many parts of central and northern México. The author Charles Gibson, in his work "Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century," has explored the intricacies of the Tlaxcalan alliance with the Spaniards in great detail. After the conquest of the Mexica, the Tlaxcalans were given special concessions, and to some extent, they were able to maintain their old form of government.

Philip Wayne Powell, in Soldiers, Indians, and Silver: North America's First Frontier War, explained that many of the Náhuatl-speaking people from central México played an integral part in the settlement of central and northern México. According to Dr. Powell, "Indians formed the bulk of the fighting forces against the" the hostile indigenous groups in other parts of México. As a matter of fact, Dr. Powell explained that "as fighters, as burden bearers, as interpreters, as scouts, as emissaries, the pacified natives of New Spain played significant and often indispensable roles in subjugating and civilizing the Chichimeca country" of Zacatecas, Aguascalientes Jalisco and Guanajuato.

By the middle of the Sixteenth Century, the Aztecs, Cholultecans, Tlaxcalans and other linguistic groups had all joined forces with the Spanish military and developed "considerable experience in warfare alongside the Spaniards." Without the use of Náhuatl interpreters and intermediaries, communication and mediation with hostile Indians would have been impossible.

The employment of Mexicans and Tlaxcalans for the purpose of "defensive colonization" also encouraged a gradual assimilation of many indigenous groups. As a result of this military and social dependence, the Náhuatl language received a renewed status as México’s lingua franca, and was crucial in assisting the Spaniards in their conquest and settlement of many parts of México.

Because of this relationship between the Spaniards and their Náhuatl-speaking companions, many parts of México – even those far from México City – carry Náhuatl place names (toponyms). And most of the indigenous peoples that the Spaniards encountered across every part of México were given (and still have) Náhuatl names.

Through the centuries, the Spanish monarchs continued to give orders, discouraging the use of indigenous tongues. In 1634, King Philip IV told the Catholic clergy that they should teach the natives Spanish in order to help them better understand the Spanish way of life. King Charles III issued royal decrees in 1771, 1776 and 1778, instructing his subjects that the Indians should be taught Spanish. But, Náhuatl and other indigenous languages continued to be spoken in many areas.

The Náhuatl-speaking people of México are part of the very large Uto-Aztecan linguistic group that inhabited many parts of central and northern México as well as much of the American Southwest. According to the Instituto Lingüístico de Verano (SIL), the Uto-Aztecan Family consists of 62 individual languages. The Northern Uto-Aztecans, inhabiting several American states, speak thirteen of the sixty-two languages. But the Southern Uto-Aztecans - almost all of who make their homes south of the present-day U.S.-Mexican border - speak 49 languages.

The most common Uto-Aztecan language of México is Náhuatl, which is spoken by large numbers of people in at least fifteen states. The interrelationships of the Uto-Aztecan language has been discussed in greater detail by this author as the following URL:

By the time of the 1895 census, 659,865 Mexican citizens classified themselves as speakers of the Náhuatl language. This group represented 32.1% of the total indigenous-speaking population of 2,055,544. However, a total of 10,574,793 persons were classified as Spanish-speaking individuals five years of age and older, and it is possible that a number of these persons may have been bilingual Náhuatl speakers who did not claim an affiliation with an indigenous language.

In the next three decades, the numbers of indigenous speakers dropped steadily with the violence and bloodshed of the decade-long Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). However, by 1930, the Náhuatl language was still the most widely spoken language among monolingual indigenous speakers. The 1930 census classified 355,295 persons five years of age and over as monolingual speakers of Náhuatl, representing 30.0% of the 1,185,162 persons who exclusively spoke indigenous languages in the entire Mexican Republic.

The states with the largest number of Náhuatl speakers in 1930 were:

  1. Puebla (132,013)
  2. Veracruz (70,993)
  3. Hidalgo (66,823)
  4. Guerrero (45,619), and
  5. San Luis Potosí (24,074)

In the 1940 census, Puebla continued to have the largest number of Náhuatl monolingual speakers in the Mexican Republic, with 117,917 persons five years of age and older, representing 32.7% of the total Náhuatl monolingual population of 360,071. The other states with significant numbers of Náhuatl monolingual speakers were: Hidalgo (77,664), Veracruz (76,765), Guerrero (41,164), and San Luis Potosí (32,251).

By the time of the 1970 census, Náhuatl and other indigenous languages had increased dramatically. In that year, 799,394 persons were classified as speakers of Náhuatl five years of age and older. These people represented 25.7% of the entire indigenous speaking population of 3,111,415. The distribution of the Náhuatl speakers by state in 1970 is indicated in the following table:



SPEAKERS OF THE NÁHUATL LANGUAGE IN THE 1970 CENSUS (Figures are for Persons Who are Five Years of Age and Older)

© 2004, John P. Schmal


Speakers of the Náhuatl Language 5 Years of Age and More

Percentage of the Entire Náhuatl Speaking Population of the Mexican Republic


Speakers of the Náhuatl Language 5 Years of Age and More

Percentage of the Entire Náhuatl Speaking Population of the Mexican Republic













San Luis Potosí















Mexican Republic



It is important to note, however, that many of these Náhuatl languages have evolved apart from one another in widely dispersed areas of central, southern, and eastern México. As a result, some of these dialects have become mutually unintelligible to one another. All of these dialects have also been influenced in varying degrees by the Spanish language.

One of the most widely spoken Náhuatl dialects today is the Huasteco Oeste dialect spoken in San Luis Potosí and Hidalgo by about 400,000 persons (Source: 1991 SIL). The Áhuatl Guerrero dialect, which is widely used in parts of the State of Guerrero, may have as many as 200,000 speakers (1998 SIL). However, the most widely spoken dialect is probably the Huasteca Este dialect, which is spoken primarily in the states of Hidalgo, Puebla and Veracruz by 410,000 persons living in 1,500 villages (1991 SIL).

The Puebla Sureste dialect is spoken by about 130,000 individuals in southeast Puebla (1991 SIL), while the Puebla Sierra dialect is spoken by another 125,000 people in northeastern Puebla. The less common Puebla Norte dialect is spoken by about 60,000 people in the northern part of the state. It is believed that about 120,000 of the Náhuatl speakers of Veracruz speak the Orizaba dialect (1991 SIL). The Central Náhuatl dialect is spoken by about 40,000 people in the states of Tlaxcala and Puebla, while the state of Morelos has its own unique dialect of the language.

It would surprise many people to find out that, of the 361,972 indigenous speakers in México State at the time of the 2000 census, only 55,802 – or 15.4% – spoke the Náhuatl tongue. The Otomí and Mazahua dialects are spoken more widely throughout the state. One of the less used dialects in the State of México is the Coatepec dialect, spoken by a couple thousand people at the most. Many other Náhuatl dialects are spoken in the states of Morelos, Veracruz, Durango, and other states. The Náhuatl Tlahtolkalli (Náhuatl Academy of Language) website has a more thorough description and geographic listing of the various Náhuatl dialects. This URL is an excellent source of information for persons hoping to understand more about Náhuatl and for those who are seeking a bibliography of recommended reading on the topic. The website can be accessed at:

The 2000 census registered Náhuatl speakers in every state of the Mexican Republic. The states containing the largest numbers and percentages of Náhuatl speakers in that census are illustrated in the following table:

STATES WITH THE LARGEST POPULATIONS OF PERSONS SPEAKING THE NÁHUATL LANGUAGE – 2000 CENSUS (All figures are for persons five years of age and older)

© 2004, John P. Schmal













San Luis Potosí









Distrito Federal


















Mexican Republic




Although Spanish has greatly influenced the Náhuatl language over the last five centuries, the influence of Náhuatl on the Spanish and English languages has also been profound, albeit not as recognizable. It is a tribute to the Aztec culture and people that a very large percentage of Náhuatl toponyms (place names) can be seen when looking at a map of México. Countless towns and cities from Sonora to Tabasco carry Náhuatl designations. As a matter of fact, the word México finds its origin in the language of the Mexica.

Náhuatl has provided an extraordinary number of words to the Spanish language, including aguacate, capulín, chile, chocolate, coyote, guacamole, mescal, peyote, and tomate. The English language has also adopted as its own many words that have their origins in Náhuatl, including avocado, chocolate, coyote, ocelot, tomato and tequila.

The siege and capture of Tenochtitlán brought to an end a political empire that had dominated a central and southern México for more than a century. But the defeat of the Mexica did not lead to a cultural death of the Aztec culture. Many traditions and customs from the pre-Hispanic period have been carried into the present day. And, more importantly, the language of the Aztec Empire continues to endure as a source of pride to México’s indigenous peoples.


"Common questions about Nahuatl." Online: <>.

2004 Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, A.C. Departamento de la Estadística Nacional, Annuario de 1930. Tacubaya, D.F., México, 1932.

Hill, Jane H. and Kenneth C. Hill. Speaking Mexicano. Tucson: Univ. of Arizona Press, 1986.

Instituto Nacional de Estadística Geografía e Informática (INEGI), Estados Unidos Mexicanos. XII Censo General de Población y Vivienda, 2000, Tabulados Básicos y por Entidad Federativa. Bases de Datos y Tabulados de la Muestra Censal.

Nahuatl Tlahtolkalli (Nahuatl Academy of Language).

Powell, Philip Wayne. Soldiers, Indians and Silver: North America's First Frontier War. Tempe, Arizona: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1973.

Schmal, John P. Indigenous Mexico: A State-by-State Analysis (manuscript in progress, 2004).

About the author: John Schmal is an historian, genealogist, and lecturer. With his friend Donna Morales, he coauthored "Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to Mexico" (Heritage Books, 2002) and "The Dominguez Family: A Mexican-American Journey" (Heritage Books, 2004), which is available at:



Mexico City, December 8, 1596 DNA Clears the Fog Over Latino Links to Judaism in New Mexico



Richard G. Santos
Sent by George Gause

Santos writes: I share this with friends on the 408th anniversary of the 
day my direct maternal ancestors Sanctified His Name.

A carnival air has overtaken Mexico Tenochtitlan, capital of the Vice Regency of New Spain. It started Friday night as some Native Americans of Aztec descent began to set up concession stands. The vendors could be seen throughout the Plaza Mayor known as El Zocalo in front of the National Palace and Cathedral. A private Auto de Fe was held within the Cathedral yesterday during High Mass. It is customary for government officials, wealthy people with political connections and members of the church to be penanced in private away from public view. This usually includes sexually active priests and nuns, pedophiles, secretly married priests and other members of the Church. As a rule, punishment for members of the Church is to be transferred from the churches or convents where they have committed their offenses. They are also sentenced to recite a certain number of prayers and rosaries.

The main event of this Auto de Fe by the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition occurred today, December 8, Second Sunday of Advent. Six men were punished for minor offenses such as being habitual liars and blasphemers. Two of them were punished for having said that sex between consenting adults was not a sin or crime. Their tongues were ripped from their mouths to the cheers of the Native Americans witnessing Europeans being punished. The Aztecs who rightfully have many grudges against the Spaniards, also cheered when some of the men were castrated. The cheers drowned the screams and cries of pain.

Seven women were found guilty of practicing witchcraft. Two men and one woman were found guilty of bigamy. They were stripped to the waist and given 200 lashes each. Jeronimo Rodriguez (age 50) and Francisco Rodriguez (age 21) were found guilty of not reporting their relatives to the Inquisition for being Crypto Jews who practice their religion in secret. Both have been sentenced to serve on the Manila Galleons as unpaid oarsmen. Treated as slaves, poorly fed and constantly whipped, the life expectancy of oarsmen is seven years. Ana Baez, 28 year old wife of Jorge Alvarez was accused of being a Crypto Jewess. She was physically tortured but never admitted or confessed anything against herself or anyone else. Her personal property and that of her family was confiscated by the Inquisition which is not convinced of her innocence.

Twenty-five men and women were accused, tried, tortured and found guilty of being Crypto Jews. They have converted to Catholicism and accepted baptism. Their property, businesses and estates have been confiscated. They have been sentenced to life in prison and must wear a sanbenito which is a sleeveless poncho-like yellow garment with a large red cross on the chest. They will live at the jail of the Inquisition but during the day will join the many beggars wearing sanbentios seen throughout the city. The bones of two Crypto Jews who had passed away were placed in boxes and carried under straw filled effigies to be burned at the end of the day. Eight Crypto Jews managed to escape so they will also be burned in effigy. Among the escapees are Miguel Rodriguez de Matos, also known as Miguel de Carvajal and his brother Baltazar Rodriguez de Matos, aka de Carvajal. They are nephews of conquistador Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva, the founder of the Nuevo Reyno de Leon. It has been reported they are now living in Rome where they are protected by the Vatican and have changed their last name to Lumbroso or Lumbrano in honor of their brother Luis Rodriguez de Matos, aka Luis de Carvajal, aka Iosef Lumbroso (the enlightened).

Burned at the stake were Crypto Jews Manuel Diaz (36 years of age from Fondon, Portugal), Portuguese born Beatriz Enriquez de la Paiva, said to be "over 50 years of age" and the widow of Simon Rodriguez de Paiva who had died in Nuevo Leon, their son 22 year old son Diego Enriquez de Paiva and 35 year old Manuel de Lucena born in Guarda, Portugal. These men and women were given the option of a last minute conversion to Catholicism. Those who chose to become Catholic were strangled with a wire before being set afire. Not all were dead when the flames were ignited.

Last to be burned at the stake, and the main attraction at this Auto de Fe, was the Rodriguez de Matos – Carvajal y de la Cueva family. The head of the family is Francisca Nunez de Carvajal y de la Cueva, widow of Francisco Rodriguez de Matos. She is the sister of Nuevo Leon founder-conquistador Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva. Her children to be burned are Leonor, wife of fugitive Jorge de Almeida (Nunez-Rodriguez de Rivera-Castellanos-Fonseca-Hernandez), Isabel (widow of Gabriel de Herrera), Catalina (wife of fugitive Antonio Diaz de Casarez) and Luis Rodriguez de Matos, also known as Luis de Carvajal el mozo (the younger). Because he claims to have experienced apparitions by God while in jail, as well as before, during and after torture, Luis has changed his name to Iosef Lumbroso (the enlightened). One of the Inquisitors stated he had never met such a learned religious person and that if Luis had lived in the days of the Old Testament he would have surely been one of the Prophets in the Bible. As reported above, sons Miguel and Baltazar managed to escape arrest and are appearing in effigy. Meanwhile, 16 year old Anica and 22 year old Mariana, who suffered a nervous breakdown and has been declared mentally unstable, will be present to witness the burning of their mother, brother and sisters. Mariana keeps repeating an interesting question. That is, "Which is better? To believe and say you do not believe, or not to believe and say you believe?"

The Native Americans and some mestizos started lining the parade route overnight. The desfile de la verguenza (parade of shame) started at the Palace of the Inquisition some four blocks from El Zocalo. All prisoners had their hands tied in front of them. Tied securely to their hands were a large green candle, a rosary and a prayer book. All prisoners, men and women alike, were stripped to the waist and lashed as they marched toward El Zocalo. Those prisoners whose legs had been broken or dislocated under torture and could not walk, rode burros. They were also topless and being lashed. The women tried their best to cover their nudity but to no avail.

Two large stages were constructed at the main square where the Aztec Templo Mayor used to stand and now features the Cathedral and National Palace. The largest and most decorative stage was for the Inquisitors and dignitaries. Among the latter was the Bishop of Manila who read the sermon. The personal representatives of the Viceroy and Audiencia de Mexico (the Mexico City based Supreme Court) also attended. The Inquisitors have complained to the King that the highest ranking government officials have been boycotting the Autos de Fe and have not fully cooperated with the Inquisition.

The second stage was in the shape of a half circular pyramid. The people to be punished for lesser sins and crimes occupied the base. Those to be burned alive were at the top of the half moon pyramid. Minor stages serving as punishing areas were placed throughout El Zocalo as prisoners were lashed, tongues ripped, eyes gouged, hands severed and men castrated depending on their crime and punishment. There was also a section for family members not being punished but forced to observe the punishment of their relatives. They were brought to witness the event and learn what can happen to sinners, criminals, non-Catholic Christians and Jews.

The nine Crypto Jews, all members of the Rodriguez de Matos – Carvajal y de la Cueva family, were taken to the Plaza de San Hipolito towards late afternoon. As one final insult, or perhaps to encourage a last minute conversion, all men and women about to be burned were stripped to a loin cloth as they were tied to the post, surrounded with lumber and covered with oil. They were given one last chance to accept baptism and die as "good Catholics". That meant being strangled with a wire instead of being burned alive. It did not matter what they chose because Grand Inquisitor Alonso de Peralta had already ordered the soldiers and priests to make sure they were all strangled. He did not want any Jew, and especially this family, to die as martyrs to their Faith. He also did not want the Native Americans or any other person to admire their devotion and commitment to the Law of Moses. Therefore, the women were strangled then set on fire. Luis the younger, or Iosef the Enlightened as he chose to call himself, refused all pretenses and was burned alive. Peralta issued a statement saying he had converted but those present know better. Their ashes were collected and scattered in the wilderness surrounding Mexico City "so that no trace or memory would remain of the family and their Faith". Only time will tell how history will deal with Don Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva, founder of Nuevo Leon, his sister Francisca, her children and especially Luis de Carvajal el mozo (he younger), aka Iosef "The Enlightened". There has been talk of dispersing the colonists brought from Spain and Portugal in 1580 for the founding of the Nuevo Reyno de Leon. Time will tell.

Mariana Rodriguez de Matos, aka Mariana Nunez de Carvajal y de la Cueva, was burned at the stake on March 25, 1601. She had become a sincere and devout Catholic so it was recorded "she died well". Anica Rodriguez de Matos, aka Anica de Leon Carvajal y de la Cueva, was burned at the stake at 69 years of age on April 25, 1649. She was considered a "Jewish sainte" by those who knew her. One of Anica’s great grandsons was denied permission to enter a seminary to become a priest due to his Jewish ancestors and especially Anica. Dominican Fray Gaspar Rodriguez de Matos, aka de Carvajal brother of Anica had been penanced in 1590 and lived the rest of his life as a cloistered low ranking Dominican Friar. The in-laws of the Rodriguez de Matos – Carvajal y de la Cueva family survived. None of the descendants thereafter and today carry Carvajal or Carvajal y de la Cueva as their last name. The flames of ignorance and intolerance killed the name at the stake. The 1580 Nuevo Reyno de Leon in time gave birth to Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Tamaulipas and colonial Texas.

(Ramo de la Inquisicion, Archivo General de la Nacion de Mexico; Mexico City) 
Version of this article published Dec 8, 2004 column in the Zavala County Sentinel


DNA Clears the Fog Over Latino Links to Judaism in New Mexico
Los Angeles Times, December 5, 2004
Vanessa Schatz
Michah'el Ben-Yehudah 
Tom Ascencio  Tom

Tests confirm what tradition and whispers have alluded to -- a Sephardic community often unbeknownst to many of its members. By David Kelly, Times Staff Writer

ALBUQUERQUE - As a boy, Father William Sanchez sensed he was different. His Catholic family spun tops on Christmas, shunned pork and whispered of a past in medieval Spain. If anyone knew the secret, they weren't telling, and Sanchez stopped asking.

Then three years ago, after watching a program on genealogy, Sanchez sent for a DNA kit that could help track a person's background through genetic foot printing. He soon got a call from Bennett Greenspan, owner of the Houston-based testing company.

"He said, 'Did you know you were Jewish?' " Sanchez, 53, recalled. "He told me I was a Cohanim, a member of the priestly class descended from Aaron, the brother of Moses."

With the revelation that Sanchez was almost certainly one of New Mexico's hidden or crypto-Jews, his family traditions made sense to him.

He launched a DNA project to test his relatives, along with some of the parishioners at Albuquerque's St. Edwin's Church, where he works. As word got out, others in the community began contacting him. So Sanchez expanded the effort to include Latinos throughout the state.

Of the 78 people tested, 30 are positive for the marker of the Cohanim, whose genetic line remains strong because they rarely married non-Jews throughout a history spanning up to 4,000 years.

Michael Hammer, a research professor at the University of Arizona and an expert on Jewish genetics, said that fewer than 1% of non-Jews possessed this marker. That fact - along with the traditions in many of these families - makes it likely that they are Jewish, he said. "It makes their stories more consistent and believable," Hammer said.

It also explained practices that had baffled many folks here for years: the special knives used to butcher sheep in line with Jewish kosher tradition, the refusal to work on Saturdays to honor the Sabbath, the menorahs that had been hidden away.

In some families, isolated rituals are all that remain of a once-vibrant religious tradition diluted by time and fears of persecution.

Norbert Sanchez, 66, recalled the "service of lights" on Friday nights in his hometown of Jareles, N.M., where some families would dine by candlelight.

"We always thought there was a Jewish background in our family, but we didn't know for sure," he said. "When I found out, it was like coming home for me."

In 1492, Jews in Spain where given the choice of conversion to Catholicism or expulsion. Many fled, but others faked conversions while practicing their faith in secret. These crypto-Jews were hounded throughout the Spanish Inquisition.

"In the 1530s and 1540s, you began to see converted Jews coming to Mexico City, where some converted back to Judaism," said Moshe Lazar, a professor of comparative literature at USC and an expert on Sephardic Jews, or those from Spain and Portugal. "The women preserved their tradition. They taught their daughters the religion. People began rediscovering their Jewishness, but remained Catholics."

But in 1571, the Inquisition came to Mexico. Authorities were given lists to help identify crypto-Jews, Lazar said. People who didn't eat pork, knelt imperfectly in church, rubbed water quickly off newly baptized babies or didn't work on Saturday were suspect. If arrested, they were sometimes burned at the stake.

Many fled to what is now northern New Mexico, and remained secretive even
after the U.S. gained control of the area in 1848.

"Still, no one would come out and say: 'I am a Jew.' That didn't happen until the 1970s," said Stanley Hordes, a professor at the Latin American and Iberian Institute of the University of New Mexico who is writing a book on crypto-Jews. "The first few generations kept the secret because of danger of physical harm, and later they kept it because that was just what they did. The $64,000 question is: Why the secrecy today? Why are people keeping this information from their kids and grandkids?"

Some haven't. "I found out when I was 13," said Keith Chaves, 47, an engineer in
Albuquerque. "My great-grandmother told me that we were Sepharditos." The family matriarch was a repository of knowledge - and the keeper of secrets.

"She kept a kosher knife rolled up in a piece of leather that she would only use for killing," Chaves said. "And she would kill the animal by cutting its throat in one motion. She abhorred the ways others killed animals."

Born a Catholic, Chaves now attends an Orthodox synagogue in Albuquerque. He has made four documentaries on crypto-Jews and is working on a movie about his family history.

"When I found out about my roots, I went to the library and my world opened up. I started peeling what turned out to be a 500-year-old onion," he said.  "I have reclaimed my life. I live a Jewish life now. I think my great-grandmother told me because she expected me to do something fruitful with the information."

Others have sought the truth on their own. Elisea Garcia was raised by a strong-willed grandmother with strange habits.

"We would have a big dinner on Friday night with candles," said Garcia, 66, who is awaiting the results of a DNA test done on her son to see if he has the Cohanim marker, which is found only in the Y chromosome. "She would butcher the animals then examine them inside out for any sign of impurity.  On Saturday we weren't even allowed to wash our hair."

When her grandmother died, Garcia found a silver menorah hidden in her room. "I'm a curious person, but my uncle told me not to dig into things because they weren't important," she said.  Garcia, a Catholic, attends both synagogue and church. "It makes me aware of the whole concept of God," she said.

Greenspan, whose Family Tree DNA does the testing for Sanchez's project, said there had been a surge of interest in genealogy among Latinos looking for Jewish connections.

"We believe a fairly high percentage of first families [arriving] in New Mexico were nominally Catholic, but their secret religion was Judaism," he said. "We are finding between 10% and 15% of men living in New Mexico or south Texas or northern Mexico have a Y chromosome that tracks back to the Middle East."

They are not all Cohanim, and there's a slight chance some could be of African Muslim descent. But Greenspan said the DNA of the men is typical of Jews from the eastern Mediterranean.

Test participants scrape cells from the inside of their cheeks and mail samples to Greenspan, who has them analyzed by researchers at the University of Arizona. The process takes about a month, with costs ranging from $100 to $350 depending on the detail requested. Women, who do not possess the Y chromosome, must have a male relative take the test in order to participate.

Since discovering his past, Father Sanchez - who wears a Star of David around his neck - has traveled throughout the state giving talks on the history and genealogy of New Mexico. He also runs the Nuevo Mexico DNA Project and website that tells how people can take part.

Sanchez describes his Jewish history as "a beautiful thing" complementing, not conflicting with, his priestly life.

"I have always known I was Jewish; I can't explain it, but it was woven into who I was," he said.

After Mass one recent morning, a group of parishioners filed out of St. Edwin's. None had a problem with their priest's dueling religious traditions.

"He has taken us back to our roots," Robert Montoya said.  And Theresa Villagas smiled. "We are all children of God," she said. "I think this just adds richness to our lives."[



First Families of Bexar County
Inclan Family Trees
Snow in Rio Grande City, Dec. 24
Camino Real Symposium
Houston Culture
South Texas Researcher
Outsider Claims Kinship to  Dynasty


 Congratulations to Angelita Montalbo Hernandez 

If your ancestors lived in Bexar County before August 1, 1850, you  too can qualify to become First Families of Bexar County.  For more information, please contact 
Neda Neathery, President of First Families of Bexar County

Snow falls in Rio Grande City, Dec. 24, 2004  
Sent by J.D. Villarreal

It's 6:49 pm Dec. 24th, 2004 folks. .....and we're getting snow here 7 miles north of Rio Grande City, South Texas. Enough to blanket the ground with about 1/4 of an inch so far.

These photos were taken at about 3 am on Christmas day.  By that time we had about 1 and 1/2 inches of snow. The last time it snowed any measurable amount in Rio was back around 1967.  However, according to historical records, it was the late 1890's when this amount of snow fell. 

[[Editor: For those of us with ancestors who lived in South Texas, it does give a sense of what the living was like. . . no snow!!]] 

Inclan Family Trees
Somos Primos is pleased to announce a new website dedicated to the Family Trees that John Inclan has compiled; sources, research notes, additional historical information is included.  This is a listing of the family trees, most track a family from Spain to Mexico to the Southwest.

To view the family trees within this issue, click on family tree

El Camino Real de los Tejas Symposium

Sent by Mira Smithwick

In April 2005, Milam County, Texas, will host the first El Camino Real de los Tejas International Symposium & Conference: A Texas, Louisiana, Mexico Legacy.

On Friday, April 22nd, the City of Rockdale will be the site of the El Camino Real Tourism Workshop, which is being sponsored by five state agencies and on Saturday, April 23rd, the Yoe High School Performing Arts Center in Cameron will be the location of the Symposium and Conference.

The conference will focus on the significant history of the trails and the shared history between Texas, Louisiana and Mexico. Noted historians will present discussions on the contributions of Spain and France to the history of the trails and the communities along its route. The trail systems started by the Spanish in 1691 using ancient Indian trails, who sought to thwart French incursions by establishing missions and presidios along the trails. Sites for three of these missions are located in Milam County.

On October 18, 2004, President Bush signed legislation making the El Camino Real de los Tejas, a network of roads the Spanish blazed from Mexico City to Natchitoches, LA, a National Historic Trail, which will be administered by the National Park Service.

Houston Culture

Sent by John Schmal

Below are some of the links to the Houston Culture Website:

This includes the Mexico Map, where I am submitting state histories:

Here's another section on the Frontier:

Mark Lacy has been creating photographs that define the University of Houston for over ten years. But his interests are far beyond this city and this university. Enjoy a vision of the world through Lacy’s eyes and learn more about these photographs at Collegium Online. 

Take one more look through this magazine. Every photo in it is the work of Mark Lacy (’89). Go to the university’s Web site, and it’s a Lacy photograph that will be featured on the first page. He is the photographer of the Office of Publications, and his work appears in many UH brochures and books. “What Mark Lacy captures through his lens is the life of the university,” says Director of the Office of Publications Watson Riddle. “He is tireless in his pursuit of quality and relentless in achieving it.” But his interest in photography and all it can do goes far beyond the boundaries of UH. Pictured here are photographs from Lacy’s other life, in which a dedication to social activism expresses itself in—of course—photography. His activism has several facets, and the photographs here reflect his strong interest in the conditions of indigenous cultures and immigrants in the regions surrounding Texas. He often photographs the landscape in which they live. Behind every photograph are stories—stories that explore the conditions of native cultures and the values being lost in changing times.

What was the original idea or ideas that inspired the Houston Culture website?

The website in it's earliest form was used to promote educational travel programs and eventually to refer people to for information during radio programs. My founding the Houston Institute for Culture was based on a variety of experiences I had through non-profit work with children's education and economic issues in poor communities. The growing accessibility of the Internet five or six years ago was ideal for providing educational information to people. Today, with the Internet site, we provide research and features, and promote our programs - travel, educational radio programs, presentations for schools and universities, conferences and forums, service projects, and more.

What are your goals with the website with regards to illustrating the culture
and history of Mexico?

Texas is positioned in such an interesting way in terms of its environment, history, cultures, and industries. We want to promote interest in its Southern heritage, Western heritage and Mexican heritage. We go about those things in different ways. We organize travel (to Mexico and the Southwest mostly) and offer programs in schools, but the reality of those interactive events is that they reach a limited audience. The materials on line reach thousands of users per day. College level and high school students use the materials for research. Many people read the journal of Cabeza de Vaca on our site, and now they are able to develop their interests in genealogy and history of Mexico, which is
increasingly important as the Hispanic population in the U.S. is increasing.

I believe we need to produce great educational resources and interesting features specifically about Louisiana, Texas, Mexico, and the broader regions of the South, South- Central and Southwest. Our video interviews in Mexico and other work in surrounding states have produced great educational resources that we use in classrooms and community events, but your research and writing on Mexico is far more Internet ready. The History of Mexico materials are setting a standard that I hope we will be able to achieve in other cultural histories that relate to us in Houston. The history of Mexico has greater impact, and therefore more importance to Americans today, than the history of the Cajun people in Louisiana, but hopefully features on all our regional cultures will
serve an equal purpose to develop people's interests.

The goal is to constantly improve the materials on line, and to produce an overview of the materials as an exhibit in a physical space. I think it is the fact that we are so active in planning events and educational programs, and at times presenting features on radio, that we are able to direct so many people to the Internet site. As we will be placing a lot of program information in major Houston area media, the site is going to increase in prominence.

One of those programs is a camp for at-risk youth, Camp Dos Cabezas, which will be featured on some community television programs in the spring.

Give us an idea of your feelings about the Mexican-American influence on Houston -- and Texas in general.

With the population shift that has been taking place, it's good that the History of Mexico section is so well developed. I think it makes us relative to today's trends. Hispanics are the fastest growing population in the U.S., ahead of African Americans and Asian  Americans. The largest country of origin of Hispanics is Mexico at almost 60 percent. Texas is the state with the second largest population of Hispanics, next to California. And Houston mirrors those trends in every way. Materials on Mexico are most needed to develop public interest, cultural understanding, and provide resources for Hispanics, as
population numbers are increasing in higher education, but also increasing in dropout rates in high schools.

One of my personal interests in the Mexican and Mexican-American populations in Texas, and other places I travel in the U.S., is the diversity of interests, and therefore the economic diversity, that is increasing in a nation where we have seen major trends toward limited interests and limited ownership.

Explain to us your view and interest in the frontier area?

Traveling to the border is not new for me, but spending time there is a relatively new activity for me. I used to pass through Ojinaga and Nuevo Loredo on my way driving to Creel or San Miguel de Allende, and I had hunted around for places lost in the building of the giant reservoirs on the South Texas border and the historic Spanish sites that are mostly gone. For my more recent trips to Taxco, Puebla and Oaxaca, and others, I've developed a greater willingness fly to Mexico City, after too many close calls on the Pan American Highway.

Mexico is very different on the border than in the interior. It isn't just that the border is where the cultural lines blur, the way we used to think of it. So much about the way we live in the U.S. is revealed in the way people are forced to live at the border. One third of Mexico's jobs are at the border, where poverty and unemployment are highest, and many of Mexico's greatest health care issues are prevalent at the border.

People disagree over the rate of poverty on the border compared with areas such as Chiapas, but the border is where people live with the most dramatic disparity between rich and poor. The work of the poor on the border is so much more easily exploited than most anywhere I've visited in Mexico. We talk with people about what they earn and what they are able to afford. We find out what their jobs are like in the factories and what has forced so many live in the trash dumps. We've also collected donations for people in the poorest colonias, like shoes for children, toothbrushes, books, and stuffed animals. We're looking to create a better network of people and organizations bringing medical services
to the border. And to bring more attention to people there who are doing amazing things, like Bill Jacoby, who paid the tuition for hundreds of poor children so they can go to school.

I believe Americans need to have a better understanding of the modern border, and its economic and social problems, and the history of the U.S. and Mexico.

Where have you gone on your journeys into Mexico, and what did you learn?

Most of my travel in Mexico has been to Copper Canyon in the state of Chihuahua. I traveled there routinely enough in the 1990s to witness the region transform itself in ten years from a place that could be identified with the United States in the 1880s, to something resembling the western U.S. in the 1980s.  With that transformation came many benefits and many problems. Some of the people, like the Tarahumara Indians, have yet to see any of the benefits, while others, like the Mennonites, have fully experienced the problems of rapid change. It's a region that is very resource rich and those benefiting the most are the most profit driven pioneers who have been coming there over the past
several centuries to mine, harvest timber, or produce narcotics.

I have also traveled extensively in Central Mexico and some into Southern Mexico, where I have been an observer to the loss of cultural traditions and the phenomenal growth of American businesses. Of course, I have traveled to the major archaeological sites to see and experience the places Mexico’s indigenous
populations built.

Where were your born? 
I was born in Enid, Oklahoma.

Where did you grow up?
I grew up on and off living in Enid, interspersed with years away in Dallas and
Los Angeles.

[[Reminder of this resource]]
South Texas Researcher
Volume II, Number 12 December 2004

Note: e-mail address:

Note: the South Texas Researcher is also now available on the San Antonio Public Library’s web site ( under "News & Events" then "News & Newsletters." Backfiles will soon be added.

Please remember that the purpose of this newsletter is to keep librarians, historians, archivists, genealogists, archaeologists, and those in other allied fields informed of what is going on that may be helpful in these fields so they may pass this information on to other interested parties in their locations.

If you have items you or your organization would like others to know about, please e-mail the address at the end of this newsletter.

South Texas is being broadly defined as beginning in Val Verde County in the west; moving east to Austin (Travis County); and then southeast through Caldwell, Lavaca, Jackson, and Calhoun counties to the Gulf of Mexico. I am willing to include important events or acquisitions from other areas, in some instances, if they may be of particular usefulness to those in our area. News from our neighboring Mexican states of Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, and Coahuila would also be welcome.

San Antonio Public Library, new resources
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies

This set of 31 volumes presents primary material for Union and Confederate naval actions including blockading activities in the Atlantic and Gulf and operations on the western rivers.

Papers of the Southern Historical Society

In 1869 a group of Confederates formed the Southern Historical Society to gather and preserve the history of the war-time South. Almost 20,000 pages of material include first-hand battle accounts, diaries, letters, correspondence, articles, and more. Volume 15 is a list of paroles of the Army of Northern Virginia. Volumes 44-52 are the Proceedings of the First and Second Confederate Congresses, Feb. 1961-March 1864.
Links National Parks with 50 places listed in the National Register that illustrate early periods of Texas history from Spanish colonial times to the 19th century. The itinerary includes a map showing the location of these historic places along with a brief description of their importance in our Nations past and the online version of this itinerary also includes six historic places in Galveston, not included in the previously printed version due to space limitations.

The South and West Texas Travel Itinerary was developed as a demonstration project by the National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior and the National Conference Historic Preservation Officers. This itinerary was first created as a printed brochure; the design and initial printing of which were made possible by a gift from the American Express

Company to the National Park Foundation, the official nonprofit partner of the National Park Service.

SOURCE: Judy George-Garza / Texas Historical Commission   and George Gause


Outsider Claims Kinship to Texas Ranch Dynasty
The New York Times, November 4, 2004
Sent by George Gause

SAR1TA, Tex., Nov. 1 - Rafael Cuellar, the retired sheriff in this South Texas town rising out of a plain dotted with sable palms and mesquite, rarely hesitates to entertain a visitor by pulling a crumpled page from a local newspaper out of the toolbox in his pickup truck.

The clipping shows photographs of two men who bear an eerie resemblance to each other. One is John G. Kenedy Jr., the hard-drinking heir to the Kenedy Ranch, a cattle empire spread over more than 400,000 acres that was bequeathed after Mr. Kenedy's death in 1948 to organizations supporting the Roman Catholic Church in Texas.

The other is Ray Fernandez, the medical examiner in Corpus Christi, an hour's drive north of here. In an effort that could undermine the mystique of one ofTexas's great ranches. Dr. Fernandez is seeking to prove that his mother is the fruit of a liaison between Mr. Kenedy and the doctor's grandmother, Maria Rowland, once a maid at La Casa Grande, the Kenedy family's 30-room home.

"Of course this means that this Fernandez would be the grandson of Johnny Kenedy Jr., the last big patron around here," said Mr. Cuellar, 67, himself the son and grandson of cowboys at the ranch collectively known as kenedenos, or Kenedy's men. "Now wouldn't that just be interesting?"

Dr. Fernandez says it would go beyond mere interest. "I want recognition of the truth and justice," he said. "The largest beneficiary of this property is the Catholic Church, and I'm a Catholic, but I don't understand their resistance to showing compassion or kindness in this case." Dr. Femandez's lawsuit on behalf of his mother, Anna Matilda Fernandez, reached the Texas Supreme Court this summer, with justices expected to decide soon whether Mr. Kenedy's body can be exhumed from a granite tomb in Sarita for DNA testing. Mr. Fernandez, 45, has results of previous DNA testing from two other Kenedy family members that he says prove a blood relation between them and his mother.

Catholic groups that benefit from the trust have not agreed with Dr. Femandez's assertions.

These efforts by Dr. Fernandez, which reflect the complex relationship between the ranchers who have lorded over swaths of South Texas for more than 150 years and their Hispanic servants and laborers, have brought a strong response from organizations that control the Kenedy Ranch. They oppose the exhumation and argue that Mr. Kenedy's handwritten will left his share of the ranch to his wife, Elena Suess Kenedy.

A fortune from cattle, land leasing and oil and natural gas currently estimated at $500 million to $1 billion has been managed by nonprofit organizations since the 1960's, when a lack of apparent heirs led Mr. Kenedy's sister, Sarita Kenedy East, to allow the holdings to support various Roman Catholic groups. Mr. Kenedy's wife, Elena, followed that example upon her death in 1984 through the creation of a trust.

"This could set an extremely troubling precedent," said Jorge Rangel, a lawyer for the John G. and Marie Stella Kenedy Memorial Foundation, which distributes money to the Diocese of Corpus Christi and other entities.

"Basically, this is an effort to seek redistribution of assets," said Mr. Rangel, who along with other lawyers has fought the exhumation of Mr. Kenedy. "It is about the money."

Dr. Femandez's legal battle, however, has many admirers among the residents of Sarita, a town of 250 people founded a century ago as a railroad stop and named for Sarita Kenedy East. There are reminders of the power of the Kenedy family nearly everywhere in this community of trailer homes and crumbling bungalows that is more than 90 percent Hispanic.

Sarita's courthouse is the seat of Kenedy County. The Kenedy Pasture Company building reopened last year as a museum with murals depicting the exploits of Mifflin Kenedy, a Pennsylvania adventurer who cobbled together the ranch after the Mexican War using proceeds from a steamboat venture with Richard King, the founder of a neighboring ranching empire, the King Ranch.

Claims against the Kenedy Ranch have swirled through Texas courts for years. Descendants of Jose Manuel Balli, once a prominent Tejano landowner, tried last year to convince a judge that Mifflin Kenedy had swindled their ancestor out of his land holdings. And descendants ofMifflin Kenedy's adopted Mexican daughter, Carmen Morell, failed in 2001 to win a case claiming she had been cheated out of her share of the ranch.

"What's wrong with the truth getting out?" asked Maria Elena Urbina, a cleaning woman at the courthouse. "This man, if he really is the grandson of such a powerful man, should get what he deserves."

Texas has changed in the decades since the Kenedy and King ranches functioned on an almost feudal basis, with the patron, or boss, providing cradle-to-grave compensation to employees in exchange for a lifetime of loyalty and labor.

Anglos are no longer the majority in the state for the first time since the mid-19th century, according to census figures, with white non-Hispanics at 49.5 percent of the population in 2003, down 1.5 percentage points from the previous year. Even so, Dr. Fernandez says old habits die hard among the elite that still control most of the state's ranches.

"Discrimination was more open in the past," Dr. Fernandez said in an interview at his office, where he handles about 500 autopsies a year, some of them of immigrants who succumbed to the elements while illegally crossing the Kenedy Ranch for destinations farther north. "Today it is more covert; it is couched in the language of the courtrooms and the boardrooms."

Dr. Fernandez said it was too early to determine what claims he might make on the Kenedy fortune. He said he was alerted to the possible link in 2002 when his grandmother told him he looked like his grandfather, Johnny Kenedy.

At first he thought she was referring to the late president, but research into his family's history convinced him that the truth lay closer to home. Dr. Fernandez said a birth certificate for his mother, born at a home for unwed mothers in Waco in 1925, had a blank space for her father's name.

After his grandmother gave birth. Dr. Fernandez said, she returned to work for the Kenedy family at their home in Corpus Christi. His account runs counter to Kenedy family lore that Mr. Kenedy was rendered sterile from a severe case of the mumps as a child.

Dr. Fernandez's lawsuit, however, is not simply part of a struggle against Anglo domination. Ethnicity and power are complex issues in this borderlands region.

Mifflin Kenedy married a Mexican, Petra Vela de Vidal, as did his grandson, John G. Kenedy Jr., whose wife, Elena, was from Saltillo, Mexico. All of the Kenedys were comfortable in Spanish, the language of their servants and vaqueros, and despite Mifflin Kenedy's Quaker origins the family became ardent Catholics.

The beneficiaries of the Kenedy family's religious fervor appear dismissive of Dr. Fernandez's claims. La Casa Grande retains an imperious presence here, though it was converted decades ago to a religious retreat, called Lebh Shomea House of Prayer, by the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, an order of priests founded in France.

The Rev. Francis Kelly Nemeck, 68, an Oblate who is now in charge of Lebh Shomea, which means "listening heart" in Hebrew, said in an interview that he did not believe that Dr. Fernandez had a credible legal reason to exhume Mr. Kenedy, describing the lawsuit as a "historical novel." Father Nemeck said the Kenedy family's wishes as expressed in various wills to support Catholic organizations should be respected.

Yet if science were to prove that Dr. Fernandez was Mr. Kenedy's grandson, how would a priest reconcile accepting gifts from a dynasty accusing of hiding a potential heir? "That is about the difference between a legal and moral issue," Father Nemeck said. "The moral issue has not been addressed."


Southeast Unprepared to Teach Hispanics
Important Spanish Colonial Land Grant Now in The Collections Holdings

Southeast Unprepared to Teach Hispanics

By KRISTEN WYATT, Washington Post, December 10, 2004
Sent by Howard Shorr

 ATLANTA - The Southeast has the nation's fastest-growing Hispanic population but is perhaps the region least prepared to teach public school students who don't know English, a new study shows.

 Educators in the South are unprepared to teach immigrants, and in many cases discriminate against non-English speakers, according to the study conducted by the University of Southern California. The result is lower test scores and higher dropout rates for Latino children.

 "Some teachers just put them in the back of the room and teach their regular lessons because they don't know how to include immigrant students," researcher Andrew Wainer said Thursday.

 Wainer and his colleagues interviewed 119 parents and educators in Georgia, Arkansas and North Carolina, the states that had nine of the 10 fastest-growing counties for Hispanic populations in the 1990s.

 The study concluded that while many teachers have good intentions for helping Spanish-speaking students, the overall inclusion of Hispanic students is "deeply flawed" in the South. It recommended far more training for regular classroom teachers, not just second-language specialists.

 At Georgia's Gainesville Elementary School, which has hundreds of Spanish-speaking children, Principal Shawn McCullough said some educators think their duty to include Hispanic students stops with a sombrero in the front office or "taco Tuesdays in the cafeteria."

 "You can talk all day about how important it is to teach second-language learners. But until there's a fundamental commitment for success for our kids, that's never going to happen," he said at a news conference to announce the study results.

 Latino students have far higher dropout rates than their black or non-Hispanic white peers. In the 1990s, that national Latino dropout rate was about 30 percent, compared with about 10 percent to 15 percent for the overall population. Among adults, Hispanics were the most likely to have left school before ninth grade, according to U.S. Census surveys.

 Other problems noted by the study: parents who don't get involved in schools because they don't know English, and perhaps had little formal education themselves; and the barring of undocumented immigrants from competing for scholarships or even getting in-state tuition, making college prohibitively expensive.

 The report also cited some examples of innovative ways being used in the South to include Spanish-speaking students and help them succeed in an English-speaking school.

 In North Carolina, for example, teachers tried an experiment to teach tolerance to their American students. For one day, all signs in a classroom were written in Spanish, and teacher was brought in who spoke only Spanish. The Spanish-speaking students were the only ones able to answer questions and follow the lesson, teaching their white peers that the immigrants are not stupid.

 "Of course the Spanish-speaking students were raising their hands, answering all the questions. It was sort of the reverse of usual," Wainer said.

Important Spanish Colonial Land Grant Now in The Collections Holdings
The Historic New Orleans Collection Quarterly
Vol. XXII, No. 2

In Louisiana few subjects figure more constantly and prominently in the life and records of the state's communities than the ownership and distribution of land. Indeed, Louisiana itself was once the object of the largest real-estate transaction in American history. Documents recording original land distribution and settlement fill the shelves of research institutions like The Historic New Orleans Collection. Robert Patrick Hicks's recent donation of an important Spanish colonial land grant supplements the manuscripts division's varied records on property holdings and land use. Spanish colonial land grants presented a challenge to recipients after the Louisiana Purchase as many immigrants who had received significant amounts of land from the Spanish felt insecure as they awaited validation of their claims by the new American government.

In 1786, Louis George Demaret received 2,000 arpents (roughly 1,700 acres) of land on Bayou Teche from Governor Esteban Miro under the conditions that he improve the land, build a road, and agree not to sell or transfer the property. Demaret and his wife, Adelaide Blanco Navarro (daughter of Spanish intendant Felix Martin Antonio Navarro), built a plan-tation home on the land, now known as Frances Plantation, near present-day Franklin, Louisiana.

Robert Hicks is a descendent of Louis and Adelaide Demaret. In the course of his genealogical research, Mr. Hicks discovered that the original grant and related documents were preserved in the Demaret family Bible in the home of James Graham Gill, Jr., Mr. Hicks's cousin. Recognizing the importance of these documents to the state of Louisiana, Mr. Gill sent them to Robert Hicks who in turn donated them to The Collection. The material has found a permanent home at the Williams Research Center where it is available to scholars and genealogists.

533 Royal St.
New Orleans, Louisiana 70130



Lincoln-Marti School, Miami, Florida
Celebrating Mexican Life in New York
Some US Latinas Seek Answers in Islam
"The Aztec Empire" exhibition New York Guggenheim Museum
"Undocumented Virgin" of Guadalupe  
Insigne y Nacional Basilica de Santa Maria de Guadalupe


Lincoln-Marti School, Miami, Florida
Sent by Demetrio Pérez, Jr.

We, at Lincoln-Martí believe that the quality of any nation, state, city, community and family must be judged by the preparation and advancement of the individuals who comprise them.  We seek to encourage the preservation of the student's cultural heritage.

Dr. Demetrio Pérez Arencibia and 
Dr. María de los Angeles Jorcano y Grande

Demetrio's father speaks at a celebration of Cuban Independence on May 20, 1952 in a public school in Cuba. 

Demetrio visited Cuban public schools from an early age alongside his father. 

In 1968 Demetrio Pérez, Jr. and his parents established the first Lincoln-Marti School. At age 65 Demetrio's father revalidated his degree and earned another Bachelor's Degree in Education at Biscayne College. That is how Lincoln-Marti began. The family's vast experience in public education gave them the perspective and vision to anticipate the needs of the coming generations; something that Demetrio affirms in saying that: "EDUCATION IS ONE" Demetrio's father died on April 5, 1988 and his mother perished on December 27, 1992. They both had dedicated more than 60 years of their lives to education. 

When Demetrio was 15, political conditions in Cuba forced him to be separated from his parents as he traveled to Miami in search of freedom. On June 3, 1962 Demetrio arrived on American soil as part of "Operation Pedro Pan" during which thousands of Cuban children left their homeland and the communist tyranny.  fter having worked at various jobs available to immigrants (delivering newspapers, cutting grass, selling doughnuts on street corners, picking tomatoes, etc.), DEMETRIO began high school from scratch and graduated from Miami Edison Senior High School despite his having almost graduated from high school in Cuba. Demetrio's first formal job was at a news agency. He worked hard while trying to save money to bring his parents from Cuba. Finally, after years of sleepless nights and arduous work, on February 14, 1964, DEMETRIO managed to arrange for his parent's departure to Mexico City. They stayed in Mexico City until April 5 of that same year, when they were finally reunited in Miami. Twenty four years later, Demetrio's father died on the same day. Together in Miami, DEMETRIO and his parents, who were in their fifties, worked hard to realize their dream. Demetrio's father revalidated his degree and earned another Bachelor's Degree in Education at Biscayne College. In 1968 they established the first Lincoln-Marti School. That is how Lincoln-Marti began.The family's vast experience in public education gave them the perspective and vision to anticipate the needs of the coming generations; something that DEMETRIO affirms in saying that "EDUCATION IS ONE".Demetrio's father died on April 5, 1988 and his mother perished on December 27, 1992. They both had dedicated more than 60 years of their lives to education. 

Demetrio's father, Dr. Demetrio Pérez Arencibia, who was raised with a puritan work ethic, was born in the town of Ceiba Mocha a rural area of the City of Matanzas. He rode horseback to attend night school in the nearest village. After completing his high school and commercial education, Dr. Pérez joined the Military Education Corps as a Teacher Sergeant. In this role he taught in the rural areas of the provinces of Oriente and Matanzas. When he graduated as a PhD from the University of Havana, Dr. Pérez became Chief of Rural Educational Mission #3A for the District of Matanzas through which he supervised all of the public schools in that region. 

In addition, Pérez, Sr. had post-secondary degrees in Land Surveying, Bookkeeping, Journalism and Physical Education. Among his activities, Dr. Pérez was Vice-President of the Cuban National Association of Doctors in Education; Venerable Master of the Sol 36 Mason's Lodge; Deputy Great Master for District 4 of the Cuban Masons; Publisher of "Cultura" cultural magazine which was published in Havana; Member of the boards of various other civic, fraternal and professional associations.Demetrio's mother, Dr. María de los Angeles Jorcano y Grande was also a PhD. She taught at a rural school in the province of Matanzas and went on to become Principal of the same.

Celebrating Mexican Life in New York   

By JULIE SALAMON,  December 8, 2004
The article below from 
Sent by John Inclan

MexicoNow can be seen as a coming-out party for the huge influx of Mexicans into New York City over the last decade. In the six weeks since it opened on Oct. 23 dozens of events in 36 venues in the five boroughs have given New Yorkers a chance to discover the cutting edge of Mexican
art, architecture and performance, as well as revisiting more familiar territory, like the films Luis Buñuel made during his exile in Mexico from the late 1940's to 1960. 

Though not intended to be exclusive, this month long festival, which wraps up today, arrived with the blessing - and financing - of the establishment. Sponsors include the Mexican Tourism Board, American Express, the company Bloomberg and Mexicana Airlines. Performances, lectures and
exhibitions have been held in Latino institutions like El Museo del Barrio and the Instituto Cervantes, but also in mainstream places like Lincoln Center, the Guggenheim Museum, the Joyce Theater and the Brooklyn Academy of Music. (The festival closes tonight with the popular musician Alejandro Fernández performing in the theater at Madison Square Garden.) 

But it is a party that many Mexican newcomers to New York have not been able to attend. "For some people, particularly new immigrants, the experience of going to the theater or a performance is not possible," said Julian Zugazagoitia, the director of El Museo del Barrio, who was born and raised in Mexico. "They are working seven days a week, very heavy hours." (The Guggenheim's adult admission is $15.) 

According to the 2000 United States census, 186,872 Mexicans live in the city, more than triple the number a decade earlier; in addition at least 100,000 or more are undocumented immigrants. Many are doing jobs no one else wants, for pay few would accept. Many Mexicans in New York bear, in addition to the freight of economic pressure, the fear of deportation. 

"I went to the exhibition at the Guggenheim and it was fantastic, but how can most Mexicans who live here afford to go to these things?" asked Teresa Garcia, development director for the Asociación Tepeyac de New York, founded in the mid-1990's by Roman Catholic priests and community leaders to help Mexican immigrants. Yet the festival's opening night offering on Oct. 23 - and the one most likely to appeal to a wide variety of Mexicans - was among the highest priced, and it sold out: the mariachi star Vincente Fernández and his band at Madison Square Garden. 

If MexicoNow has demonstrated that Mexican culture includes but goes well beyond the clichés - ruins, tortillas, mariachi - the festival has also highlighted the challenges of defining cultural identity. Mexicans are the fastest-growing immigrant population in New York. But they say they often feel invisible in a city where the word Chicano is far more likely to evoke the streets of Los Angeles, or border towns in Texas, than Queens, Brooklyn or the Bronx. 

"When you arrive here, you experience this incredibly odd and intriguing feeling of being in a city that knows us not at all, neither as Mexicans nor Chicanos," said Gerald P. Lopez, a law professor and director of the Center for Community Problem Solving at New York University, who grew up in East Los Angeles.. 

For much of New York's Mexican population, culture boils down to making an alien world feel like home. Music, dance and street festivals are often intertwined with religion, politics and the struggle for legal rights. 

The single largest cultural event among Mexicans is the feast day celebrating the Virgin of Guadalupe, this Sunday. The ritual is based on a legendary appearance , in 1531, by
the Virgin Mary before an Aztec peasant, Juan Diego, a decade after the Spanish had conquered the Aztec empire. It was a significant cross-cultural moment, as the legend goes, because the Virgin told Diego that she embraced not only the Spanish but native peoples as well. 

Three years ago Tepeyac added a new variation on this theme by instituting the International Torch run, a relay race that began in Mexico City on Oct. 10 and that will culminate in New York at St. Patrick's Cathedral on Sunday. As the torch is passed, spectators greet the 7,000 runners with food, music and slogans about things like the rights of undocumented workers. 

Both street culture and the more rarefied offerings of MexicoNow have similar goals, said Claudia Norman, project director of the festival. "Both want to make the invisible visible," said Ms. Norman, who moved to New York from Mexico City 15 years ago. "Both want to open a window onto
this new group of citizens who might be your busboy or your lawyer. We are both." 

The audiences for MexicoNow events have been mixed: Anglo, Mexican, a variety of tourists. When El Museo del Barrio presented "El Automovil Gris," a theater piece, the audience "looked like they might have walked from their apartments on Fifth Avenue, but also people from el barrio," Mr. Zugazagoitia said. 

The Mexican community in New York barely existed 20 years ago. Researchers have just recently begun to develop information beyond the fact that a large percentage of Mexicans in New York come from the state of Puebla, southeast of Mexico City, and that they are poor. The unknowns include health care, housing, education, family dynamics and dealing with the criminal justice system and immigration issues. They are also learning how these immigrants create, celebrate and mourn. 

Arnulfo Chino, 36, cultural development coordinator for Tepeyac, moved to New York 16 years ago from Puebla. "It was very difficult to find our music and, more important, our food," he said. "We had to drive all the way to New Rochelle to find tortillas and chilis for cooking." 

In the last decade, however, fresh tortillas, chilis, even live chickens have become readily available in
neighborhoods like Sunset Park and Bushwick in Brooklyn, in East Harlem and in neighborhoods like Elmhurst and Jackson Heights in Queens. Children can take mariachi lessons in East Harlem; nightclubs in Queens, Harlem and Brooklyn specialize in sonidero shows, a particular Mexican
entertainment featuring celebrity disc jockeys. 

Mr. Chino worked as a dishwasher at the Hudson River Club in the World Financial Center, across from the World Trade Center. He stayed there, in increasingly better positions, until Sept. 11, 2001. The restaurant closed. 

"You have to look at how people have to adapt their culture to survive in the new environment, but also how they adapt the new environment to support their culture," said Ilana Harlow, a folklorist at the Library of Congress. "In New York, where all these cultures come into contact with each other, this mixing of cultures is more intense." 

Consuelo Ríos Muñoz works at a music store in Sunset Park that features Spanish-language music, cumbia, bachatas, reggaeton and sonidero music. Ms. Ríos Muñoz, 19, has lived in New York for four years and speaks little English. She goes dancing at a club in Queens that plays reggaeton, a
fusion of hip-hop and reggae from Puerto Rico, to a largely Mexican audience. 

Ms. Ríos Muñoz said she planned to celebrate the feast day of Our Lady of Guadalupe in church on Dec. 12, but she has not sought traditional dances and songs she learned in Mexico. "I don't miss them," she said. "I'm into the reggaeton."

Extract: Some US Latinas Seek Answers in Islam
Sent by Howard Shorr :
By Christine Armario, Contributor to The Christian Science Monitor
December 27, 2004

UNION CITY, N.J.: At this Union City, N.J., mosque, women account for more than half of the Latino Muslims who attend services here. Nationwide, there are about 40,000 Latino Muslims in the United States, according to the Islamic Society of North America.

Some Latina Muslims say they harbored stereotypes about Muslim women before deciding to convert, but changed their minds once becoming close friends with a Muslim. Many of the Latina converts say that their belief that women are treated better in Islam was a significant factor in converting.

"I always thought, geez, I feel sorry for women who have to wear those veils," says Pinet. Then she met her Muslim boyfriend and began studying the Koran with a group of Muslim women. She says she was impressed with the respect they received.

Critics may protest that wearing the veil marks a woman as property, but some Latina converts say they welcome the fact that they are no longer whistled at walking down a street. "People have an innate response that I'm a religious person, and they give [me] more respect," says Jenny Yanez, another Latina Muslim. "You're not judged if you're in fashion or out of fashion."

"A women is respected because she is the mother, she takes care of the children, and she's the one that enforces the rules," Pinet says. "They're the ones who are sacred."

Critics of the decisions of Latinas to convert to Islam say they are adopting a religion just as patriarchical as the Roman Catholic faith that many are leaving behind.

"While it's true the Latino culture tends to be more male-dominated, and there's a tendency toward more machismo, I would venture to say it exists [in Islam] as well," says Edwin Hernandez, director of the Center for the Study of Latino Religion at the University of Notre Dame.

Latinos account for six percent of the 20,000 Muslim conversions in the United States each year, according to a report published by the Council on American-Islamic Relations. Anecdotal evidence suggests this number may be rising. But that doesn't mean it's getting any easier for the women who make this choice.

For some, the cultural differences are the most trying.

"I can't eat pork, I can't wear [form- fitting] clothing, I can't dance in the clubs, I'm not gonna attend church," says Ms. Yanez, who is of Cuban and Spanish descent. "But I keep my language, and there's still things that we do as Latinos that they don't have to change."

Within the Islamic community, Latina Muslims report being warmly received, although language barriers sometimes exist for Latinas who only speak Spanish. There are few Spanish services at mosques and a limited number of Islamic texts in Spanish.

Grassroots organizations specifically for Latino Muslims have been created in recent years. They function in part as an informational resource for new converts and but also as a support group for those who encounter difficulties at home.


"The Aztec Empire" exhibition New York Guggenheim Museum
Extract: At Mexico City's core beats an Aztec heart
Carol Strickland Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor, 11/26/2004
Sent by John Inclan 

(NEW YORK) . . . . Visitors to the Guggenheim Museum's "The Aztec Empire" exhibition will see for themselves Aztec culture at its zenith. With its some 450 objects - primarily sculpture, ceramics, and gold jewelry - the show includes more than 40 rare gold objects and 35 percent of the pieces 
have never been seen outside Mexico. Some were excavated in the last decade.

The exhibition provides a voyage through Mexico's primary cultural groups in the era leading up to the Spanish conquest, Felipe Solis curator and the foremost authority on the Aztecs points out that pre-Hispanic Mexico, like Europe in the 1500s, was undergoing a cultural renaissance, "a great flowering of art." Just as Europeans rediscovered the art of ancient Greece and Rome, the Aztecs 
based their art and architecture on ruins and relics of their predecessors - the Olmecs, Toltecs, and the people of Teotihuacan.

"The Aztecs created a new vision of man and society rooted in antique cultures," Solis says. Aztec art portrayed human beings realistically, creating "an aesthetic of the human figure which had never been developed here before." The religious objects made by the Aztecs and their contemporaries, he says, "were made with emotion and passion, so they still awaken emotions in us."

Some of those emotions include fascination with what people today may think of as Aztec blood lust. The exhibition does not sidestep the human-sacrifice component, but shows the cosmological basis for it. "In the modern view," Mr. Solis admits, "the Aztecs seem savage and cruel."

The show includes knives with obsidian blades as well as elaborately carved stone altars where victims were sacrificed. These artifacts radiate what the poet W.B. Yeats calls a "terrible beauty." Or, as a visitor to the museum put it: "This sure is one scary show."

This particular exhibition teaches the Aztec concept of death not as an opposite but as a complementary part of the continuum of life.

The Aztecs believed their gods sacrificed their lives to create the universe. In return, humanity owed blood to nourish the gods so the sun and moon could continue on their daily rounds. Human life was viewed as a kind of compost, deriving sustenance from nature, which was returned at death to spur the cycle of rebirth. As the Nahua - descendants of the Aztecs - still say, "We eat of the earth then the earth eats us."

For Solis, the sacrificial rites - 20,000 victims during a four-day period when consecrating a temple - should be viewed as part of a larger whole. "Inside every culture, certain elements are part of a 
great totality. The Aztecs were humans - with emotions, virtues, and a taste for life - just like us. But also like us, their nature included other facets - like war, sacrifice, violence, and death. For New 
Yorkers," he notes, "this is very current."

"History is the great teacher," he adds, "and history repeats, even though man never wants to learn."

Various works demonstrate this integrated view of man and nature, life and death, earth and heaven. The feathered serpent, which sheds its skin, was viewed as a symbol of regeneration, proving the conjunction of heaven and earth.

A polychrome clay brazier (ca. 250 to 700 AD) from the vast ruins of Teotihuacan 25 miles north of Mexico City could be an emblem of the show. Overlapping faces peek from behind the mask of other superimposed faces, like nested eggs. So, too, the Aztecs believed, life emerged from death.

The Templo Mayor excavation, begun only 25 years ago after electrical workers discovered ruins under the central square of downtown Mexico City, has yielded many finds. Two life-size clay figures from this trove represent the two faces of Aztec religion. A winged warrior, his head poking out from an eagle's beak, with talons erupting from his knees, symbolizes life or the sun at dawn. Discovered only a decade ago, a grisly, six-foot-tall, clay figure - with his liver dangling beneath exposed ribs - represents death. Both were revered. The equal value of life and death explains "why the images of death are so strong," says Solis.

The exhibition comes at a time when American museums are recognizing a demographic shift: More than 20 million people of Mexican origin are living in the United States, and Mexicans are among the fastest-growing ethnic groups in New York City. The Guggenheim hopes to attract Hispanics by displaying objects that relate to their heritage. "Cultural exchange with Mexico is a strategic priority," says museum director Thomas Krens.

For "Aztec Empire," loans came from 40 museums in Mexico City (particularly from the superb collections of the National Anthropology Museum and the Templo Mayor Museum) and the US. 'The Aztec Empire' continues at the Guggenheim through Feb. 13.

Tenochtitlan rose from an island on Lake Tetzcoco. Causeways connected it to the mainland, aqueducts brought water, a grid of streets and canals provided transportation, and markets served thousands of people. Flowers garlanded the palaces, ball courts, parks - even a zoo. A painted pyramid 100 feet high called the Templo Mayor towered over another 78 monumental structures in the sacred precinct. Five times the size of London, the city dazzled the Spaniards. "The most important tower," Cortes wrote the Spanish king, "is taller than that of the greatest church in Seville."

Much remains of a civilization that flourished for more than 2,000 years. According to Felipe Solis, director of the National Anthropology Museum in Mexico City and curator of an exhibition at the 
Guggenheim Museum, remnants of Aztec culture abound. "Their first contribution," he says, "was the concept of living in a city, which didn't exist in North America at that time." Mexico City was founded on the lost world of the Aztecs, as the Spanish razed the temples and built their colonial capital from the stones.

Descendants of the Aztecs, called the Nahua, still recount their myths in villages throughout Mexico, and indigenous people wear the traditional clothing and eat the same food based on corn, tortillas, 
and chiles. Even the language of the Aztecs - Nahuatl - is widely spoken in rural areas. Throughout Mexico at major fiestas, people serve roast turkey, but instead of using the Spanish word for turkey, pavo, they call it huexolotl, its Aztec name.

"Undocumented Virgin" of Guadalupe  
Sent by Dorinda Lupe Moreno in honor of her departed aunt, Lupe Garay Navarro, who was born December 12th.  Dorinda writes that the was picked to play the 'Virgin' when she was about 10 years old at the St. Charles Baromeo Church in San Francisco, where she was confirmed Guadalupe.

A great article from Episcopal News Service:
December 10, 2004 - Friday Forum: Voices on Current Issues

'Undocumented Virgin': Guadalupe narrative crosses borders for new understanding

[ENS] Both the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles Times have in recent years interviewed Lydia Lopez, an Episcopal lay leader from Pasadena, California, about why Christians of many denominations are increasingly finding meaning in the story of the Virgin of Guadalupe - - whose traditional feast day is December 12. Indeed, artistic renderings of "La Morenita," as the Virgin is also known, are displayed in a growing number of churches, Episcopal included. While not all Mexican Anglicans share the same views about the Virgin, she remains a symbol of cultural and religious significance that reaches beyond Roman Catholic origins, says Lopez, who is communications associate in the Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles and an honorary canon of the Cathedral Center of St. Paul. To draw meaning from the story of the Virgin is not to worry whether it is fact or legend, says Lopez. Following is Lopez's reflection on the "Undocumented Virgin."

'The Undocumented Virgin'

By Lydia Lopez

In the 16th century, while Indians were demoralized by the routing of their gods, and millions of Indians were dying from the plague of Europe, the Virgin Mary appeared, pacing on a hillside, to an Indian named Juan Diego - his Christian name. He spoke no Spanish; she spoke to him in Nahuatl because she was a very smart virgin. He hears beautiful music. It was December 1531.

She was dressed in Indian garb covered with Aztec symbols and wearing the Aztec sash of a pregnant woman. To one like Juan Diego, Mary's attire communicated powerful messages. Her rich blue mantle spoke of royalty, while the gold stars emblazoned on it signaled prophecies of a dying civilization that would soon experience a new birth. She wore both a Christian cross (on her brooch) and an Aztec cross (centered on her womb). Her splendor was greater that the sun which framed her, a symbol of the Aztec deity..

At the Virgin's request, this Indian must go several times to the bishop of Mexico City to ask that chapel be built on Tepeyac (the nearby hill) in her honor. Juan Diego visits the Spanish bishop. The
bishop is skeptical. The bishop wants proof. The Virgin tells Juan Diego to climb the hill and gather a sheaf of roses as proof for the bishop. He finds Castilian roses among Tepeyac's native cacti:
impossible in Mexico in December 1531.

Juan carries the roses in the folds of his cloak, his tilma, a pregnant messenger. Upon entering the bishop's presence, Juan parts his cloak, the roses tumble, the bishop falls to his knees as he sees
the picture of Guadalupe. That same tilma is today enshrined in the Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe at the foot of Tepeyac in Mexico City. The sight of that image is said to have motivated the conversion of 8 million Indians.

The legend concludes with a concession to humanity -- proof more durable than roses - the imprint of the Virgin's image upon the cloak of Juan Diego. A Spanish trick? A recruitment poster for a new
religion? Why do we assume Spain made up the story? The importance of the story is that the Indians believed it.

The Virgin chose to be the brown-faced Mary. All elements spoke directly to the Indian, and the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe -- Mexicans call her "La Morenita" -- has become the unofficial flag of Mexicans. The Virgin appears everywhere in Mexico; on dashboards and calendars, on playing cards, on lampshades and cigar boxes -- even tattooed upon the very skins of Mexicans.

Nor has the image of Guadalupe diminished: she has become more vivid with time, developing in her replication from earthy shades of melon, Aztec orange as author Richard Rodriguez has said, to bubble gum pink.

Every December 12 in Mexico feels like a religious Woodstock. I tried getting near the Basilica recently but I had to make my way past 7 million others who had the same idea. I decided to come back the next day.

In La Virgen, I see myself. I call her the first mestiza, the original Chicana, and because she crosses so many borders I call her the undocumented virgin, the virgin of many immigrations.

Juan Diego tells us La Morenita is at the center of the Mexican soul. Would that this spiritual matriarchy were Mexico's political and economic reality, but -- alas -- Guadalupe has yet to storm the halls of macho power.

In El Salvador, it was the radical Catholic laity that laid the ground work for the revolutionary movement of the 1970s and 1980s and in the process convinced key church authorities such as the martyred Archbishop Oscar Romero to resist the military dictatorship.

Cesar Chavez carried the Virgin of Guadalupe in front of his march for social justice for the farm worker. Again she led the way as warrior goddess.

What many fail to see is that the crisis in Mexico is the crisis in California and vice versa. Mexicans are at the center of this whirlwind of history, agents of change. They are scorned on either side of the border. Chicanos and immigrants are treated like Indians in California while in Mexico the Indians are seen as stumbling blocks to the latest neo-liberal schemes: the Indians of Mexico are treated like the Chicanos or immigrants of California.

Creating understanding and justice remains the mission and the strength of communities of faith. Calling us forward on this journey is the Virgin herself, she who is prized for giving birth to new possibilities.

Insigne y Nacional Basilica de Santa Maria de Guadalupe
Documentos Mestizos
Testimonio de Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxóchitl respecto de favores a los habitantes de Teotihuacan
Sent by John Inclan

This is a fascinating site with a variety of information touching on La Virgen de Guadalupe. These are the links, please check try them out: Inicio, Peticiones, Apariciones, Oraciones, Homilias, Estudios, Juan Deigo, Santuario


             Esta noticia se halla referida en el Nican Motecpana, documento del que ya hemos hablado (vid. supra) y en la Historia Eclesiástica Indiana del franciscano Gerónimo de Mendieta. Posteriormente, en 1649, Lasso de la Vega aprovechó la anécdota, englobándola dentro de su libro Inin Huey Tlamahuizoltica. De esta última obra, transcribimos el pasaje en cuestión, en traducción de Feliciano Velázquez:

             "Al principio, cuando se apareció la preciosa imagen de nuestra purísima Madre de Guadalupe, los habitantes de aquí, señores y nobles, la invocaban mucho para que los socorriera y defendiera en sus necesidades; y a la hora de su muerte, se entregaban completamente en sus manos. Uno de éstos fue don Francisco Quetzalmamalitzin, señor de Teotihuacan, cuando se destruyó el pueblo y quedó desamparado, porque se opusieron a ser privados de los frailes de San Francisco.

             Quería el señor visorrey don Luis de Velasco que los tuvieran a su cargo los frailes de San Agustín; lo que estimaron los vecinos como una gran molestia. Don Francisco, el señor, y sus cortesanos no más andaban escondiéndose, porque en todas partes los buscaban. Al cabo, vino a Atzcapotzalco, y secretamente se llegaba a rogar a la celestial Señora de Guadalupe que inspirase a su querido hijo el visorrey y a los señores de la Audiencia Real, a fin de que fuesen perdonados los vecinos; que pudiesen volver a sus casas y que de nuevo les fuesen dados los frailes de San Francisco. Así sucedió exactamente: se perdonó a los vecinos, al señor y a sus cortesanos; otra vez les dieron frailes de San Francisco, que a su cargo los tuviesen; y todos volvieron a sus casas, sin ser ya por eso molestados. Lo cual sucedió en el año de 1588. También, a la hora de su muerte, se encomendó don Francisco a la Señora del Cielo, nuestra preciosa Madre de Guadalupe, para que diera favor a su alma; y le hizo manda en su presencia, según aparece de los primeros renglones de su testamento que fue hecho a dos de marzo del año de mil y quinientos y sesenta y tres."




Inclan Family Trees
Los Tarín / Tari in Mexico
Zambrano Family: Nuevo Leon 
Mexico Approves Funds for Braceros
Batalla de Mier de 1842 
Mexico battles a burro shortage 
1600th Century Indigenous Jalisco by John P. Schmal
Mexican President Juan N. Alvarez, Federalist, Revolutionary, & Liberator

Cervantes DNA Surname Project 
Aguascalientes: At the Center of Mexico by John P. Schmal


Somos Primos is pleased to announce a new website dedicated to the Family Trees that John Inclan has compiled; sources, research notes, additional historical information is included.  This is a listing of the family trees, most track a family from Spain to Mexico to the Southwest.  Below are the family trees that are available on the site:  

Dõn Francisco Javier de Alcorta

Dõn Francisco Joseph de Arocha and Dona Juana Ramirez Curbelo Umpierre

Captain Francisco Baez de Benavides and Dona Isabel Martinez Guajardo

Dõn  Nicolas Balli Perez II and Dona Josefa Manuela Guerra de la Garza

Captain Pedro Botello de Morales

Dõn Juan Canales 

Dõn Juan Cavazos del Campo and Dona Elena de la Garza Falcon

Dõn Juan Bautista Chapa and Dona Beatriz Olivares de Trevino

Dõn  Pedro Duran y Chavez and Dona Isabel de Baca

Dõn Antonio de Ecay y Muzquiz and Dona Vicenta Vera

Dõn Juan Fernandez de Jauregui and Dona Isauel de Aldama

Pedro Flores- de-Abrego

Dõn Juan Galindo Morales And Dona Melchora Sanchez Navarro

Dõn Jose Manuel de Goseascochea  
                            and Dona Maria Francisca Xaviera de la Garza y de la Garza

Jean Juchereau, Sieur de More

Dõn Juan Perez de Onate and Dona Osana Martinez de Gonzalez

Dõn Juan Francisco Martinez Guajardo 
                            and Dona Ursula Ines Catarina Navarro Rodriguez

Dõn J Clemente Perez de Ancira

Dõn Francisco Sanchez de la Barrera and Dona Maria Duran de Vzcanga

Dõn  Joseph-Antonio Seguin and Dona Geronima Flores de Abrego

Dõn Pedro Uribe y Vergara and Dona Ana Lenor Tovar

Dõn  SanJuan de Urrutia y Allende  and Dona Casilda Retes y Retes 

Dõn Joseph de Urrutia y Escurta  
                          and Dona Francisca Nicolasa Javiera Fernandez de la Garza

Alferez Diego de
Villarreal   and Beatriz de las Casas  y Navarro

Jose-Benito Zambrano




Los   Tarín  /  Tari  in Mexico

The maps below were created by Robert Tarín.  They show the locations of the surnames TARI and TARIN in Mexico during the 1600s, 1700s, and 1800s. The location information was derived from birth, baptism, and marriage records. Only one symbol was placed on the maps to represent each unique location, regardless of how many individuals appeared in the records for that location. It has not yet been determined if the persons with the surname TARI are connected to the TARIN in Mexico, although both forms were used for the same medieval coin in Spain. Research is ongoing.

Robert Tarín
San Antonio, Texas


Mexico Approves Funds for Braceros

Mexico City : Mexico has set aside the equivalent of $26.5 million, for thousands of retired laborers who say they were cheated out of earnings from a U.S. guest worker program decades ago, a lawmaker said Wednesday (12/8-04).

Congress approved the package as part of the 2005 budget, said Marco Antonio Gama, head of a special commission on the former workers known as braceros.

Zambrano Family: Nuevo Leon 
Sent by George Gause

El apellido Zambrano en Nuevo Leon en los siglos XVIII y XIX: cronolgias y genealogies
The book below was recently donated to UTPA Library / Special Collections by the author:
El apellido Zambrano en Nuevo Leon en los siglos XVIII y XIX: cronolgias y genealogies
By Daniel Zambrano Villarreal

Monterrey, Nuevo Leon / 11 de Marzo del 2004
1. Introduccion
2. Cronologia del apellido Zambrano en Nueva Espana, siglos XVI y XVII
3. Cronologia de bautismos de Monterrey
4. Cronologia de matrimonios de Monterrey
5. Cronologia de defunciones de Monterrey
6. Crronologias de Apodaca
7. Cronologia general de pueblos de Nuevo Leon
8. Genealogias
9. Zambranos ilustres en Nuevo Leon
10. Photocopia de actas
11. Notas
12. Bibliografia
13. Indice de abreviaturas

FUNDACIÓN BATALLA DE MIER    Batalla de Mier de 1842 
Sent by George Gause
Source: Carlos Rugerio
[[ Editor: Although this event happened in December, I thought it important that the information be shared. Note the contact information. ]]

25 Y 26 DE DICIEMBRE DE 1842
Ciudad Mier, Tamaulipas

Los Pueblo como los individuos que no tienen conciencia de su pasado están condenados a morir y a nacer todos los días repitiendo los mismos hechos y creando algo inútil.

Nosotros los Mierences que amamos la tierra que nos vio nacer, los Invitamos a recordar el hecho Historico de la Batalla de Mier 1842.

Evento que se efectuara el Día 26 de Diciembre del Presente año a las 12:00 horas del día, Frente a las Antiguas Casas Consistoriales

Lic. Antonio Guerra Sandoval, Presidente 
Prof. y Lic. Sergio Higareda Sánchez, Secretario
Para mayor información comunicarse al: (897) 973-1195 y 973-0161
Domicilio. Calle Álvaro Obregón No. 300
Ciudad Mier, Tamps, C. P. 88390


Mexico battles a burro shortage: Officials in Jalisco state plan to import donkeys from Kentucky to revive Mexico's dwindling population.
By Mary Jordan

Washington Post Scoop: Burro Shortage, 11/12/2004
Sent by Dick Trzaskoma

TALA, Mexico -- Men with machetes still hack at tequila-producing agave plants; corn stalks still sway in fields dotted with ancient stone churches. But one element is missing from the picturesque scene: There isn't a burro in sight." There used to be 50 in every town. Now there is one, if that," said Nicolas Vazquez Ortega, a ranch manager.

Although it seems as improbable as Hawaii running out of pineapples or France without Beaujolais, Mexico has a shortage of donkeys. As farmers abandon the countryside for big cities, move to the United States or shift to tractors and cargo trucks, burros -- long a backbone of Mexican agriculture and a symbol of Mexican life -- have become increasingly scarce.

This trend has so alarmed officials in Jalisco, one of Mexico's most important agricultural states, that they are planning to import donkeys from Kentucky to revive the dwindling population. The project, they said, will bring economic benefits to ailing rural areas, where many poor farmers still depend on beasts of burden.

Donkeys, first brought to Mexico by the Spaniards at the turn of the 16th century, have long been a stereotype of rural Mexican life. But those days are gone. In fact, many farmers have shunned donkeys because of their negative association with poverty and backwardness, officials said. Now, as the animals have started disappearing, people are "realizing their importance," said Martin Martinez Cervantes, a Jalisco rural development official.

Both donkeys, known as burros throughout Mexico, and mules, produced by cross-breeding horses and donkeys, have gained belated respect as their numbers have diminished. Jalisco farmers say they cause less damage than machines amid the tight rows of blue agave. Coffee growers in other states say they get better traction than trucks on highland slopes. And in many remote areas with no roads, they are still the only ride home.

Martinez said the demand for donkeys began to dwindle as more young, rural Mexicans relocated in the United States and began sending home enough money for their parents to buy a tractor or a pickup. Increasingly, donkeys were sent to slaughterhouses or not replaced when they died. Now, he said, the demand has outstripped the supply. International promoters of the donkey argue that these sturdy quadrupeds are stronger than horses, easier to care for and more resistant to hot temperatures; they said mules are even hardier.

"They are growing in popularity," said Leah Patton of the American Donkey and Mule Society in Texas. There is growing appreciation of the donkey as "an efficient working machine with a longer life span than a car and the ability to get into places that cars can't," Patton said.

In some parts of Mexico, especially the poor southern states of Oaxaca and Guerrero, there is no dire donkey shortage. But Francisco Lugo Serrano, the Jalisco official leading the import project, said their numbers have greatly diminished in many other regions, particularly in the more developed north.

Aline Alija, a veterinarian in Mexico City, said donkeys have long been a "symbol of underdevelopment" because poor people owned them. She is working on a program that sends veterinarians into the Mexican countryside looking for neglected and overworked donkeys in need of medical attention. Some farmers who shunned donkeys for the efficiency and status of more modern machines now regret their haste. "They are so useful and such hard workers," said Vazquez.

A few years back, his ranch purchased a donkey from Kentucky, which was mated with nine mares and produced nine strong mules. "We need more of them." Felipe de Jesus Padilla Robles, 81, a farmer in Tala, said he always took good care of his donkey, which he has now outlived. "We understood each other," he said.



by John P. Schmal


Jalisco is La Madre Patria (the Mother Country) for millions of Mexican Americans. Given this fact, it makes sense that many sons and daughters of Jalisco are curious about the cultural and linguistic roots of their indigenous ancestors. The modern state of Jalisco consists of 31,152 square miles (80,684 square kilometers) located in the west central portion of the Mexican Republic. However, the Jalisco of colonial Mexico was not an individual political entity but part of the Spanish province of Nueva Galicia, which embraced some 180,000 kilometers ranging from the Pacific Ocean to the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental.

Besides the present-day state of Jalisco, Nueva Galicia also included the states of Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, Nayarit, and the northwest corner of San Luis Potosí. Across this broad range of territory, a wide array of indigenous groups lived before 1522 (the first year of contact with Spanish explorers). Domingo Lázaro de Arregui, in his Descripción de la Nueva Galicia - published in 1621 - wrote that 72 languages were spoken in the Spanish colonial province of Nueva Galicia. But, according to the author Eric van Young, "the extensive and deep-running mestizaje of the area has meant that at any time much beyond the close of the colonial period the history of the native peoples has been progressively interwoven with (or submerged in) that of non-native groups."

As the Spaniards and their Indian allies from the south made their way into Nueva Galicia early in the Sixteenth Century, they encountered large numbers of nomadic Chichimeca Indians. Philip Wayne Powell - whose Soldiers, Indians, and Silver: North America's First Frontier War is the definitive source of information relating to the Chichimeca Indians - referred to Chichimeca as "an all-inclusive epithet" that had "a spiteful connotation." The Spaniards borrowed this designation from their Aztec allies and started to refer to the large stretch Chichimeca territory as La Gran Chichimeca.

Afredo Moreno González, in his book Santa Maria de Los Lagos, explains that the word Chichimeca has been subject to various interpretations over the years. Some of these suggestions included "linaje de perros" (of dog lineage), "perros altaneros" (arrogant dogs), or "chupadores de sangre" (blood-suckers). In any case, it was apparent that the Mexican Indians of the south did not hold their northern counterparts in high regard. However, in time, they learned to both fear and respect many of these Indians as brave and courageous defenders of their ancestral homelands.

Unfortunately, the widespread displacement that took place starting in 1529 prevents us from obtaining a clear picture of the indigenous Jalisco that existed in pre-Hispanic times. Four primary factors influenced the post-contact indigenous distribution of Jalisco and its evolution into a Spanish colonial province. The first factor was the 1529-30 campaign of Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán. In The North Frontier of New Spain, Peter Gerhard wrote that "Guzmán, with a large force of Spaniards, Mexican allies, and Tarascan slaves, went through here in a rapid and brutal campaign lasting from February to June 1530; Guzmán's strategy was to terrorize the natives with often unprovoked killing, torture, and enslavement."

Once Guzmán had consolidated his conquests, he ordered all of the conquered Indians of Jalisco to be distributed among Spanish encomiendas. The individual receiving the encomienda, known as the encomendero, received free labor and tribute from the Indians, in return for which the subjects were commended to the encomendero's care. It was the duty of the encomendero to Christianize, educate and feed the natives under their care. However, as might be expected, such institutions were prone to misuse and, as a result, some Indians were reduced to slave labor. Although Guzmán was arrested and imprisoned in 1536, his reign of terror had set into motion institutions that led to the widespread displacement of the indigenous people of Jalisco.

The second factor was the Mixtón Rebellion of 1541-1542. This indigenous uprising was a desperate attempt by the Cazcanes Indians to drive the Spaniards out of Nueva Galicia. In response to the desperate situation, Viceroy Mendoza assembled a force of 450 Spaniards and some 30,000 Aztec and Tlaxcalan supporting troops. In a series of short sieges and assaults, Mendoza gradually suffocated the uprising. The aftermath of this defeat, according to Peter Gerhard, led to thousands of deaths. In addition, he writes, "thousands were driven off in chains to the mines, and many of the survivors (mostly women and children) were transported from their homelands to work on Spanish farms and haciendas."

The third factor influencing Jalisco's evolution was the complex set of relationships that the Spaniards enjoyed with their Indian allies. As the frontier moved outward from the center, the military would seek to form alliances with friendly Indian groups. Then, in 1550, the Chichimeca War had began. This guerrilla war, which continued until the last decade of the century, was primarily fought by Chichimeca Indians defending their lands in Zacatecas, Guanajuato, Aguascalientes, and northern Jalisco.

The Chichimeca conflict forced the Spaniards to rely heavily upon their Christian Indian allies. The result of this dependence upon indigenous allies as soldados (soldiers) and pobladores (settlers) led to enormous and wide-ranging migration and resettlement patterns that would transform the geographic nature of the indigenous peoples of Nueva Galicia. In describing this phenomenon, Mr. Powell noted that the "Indians formed the bulk of the fighting forces against the Chichimeca warriors; As fighters, as burden bearers, as interpreters, as scouts, as emissaries, the pacified natives of New Spain played significant and often indispensable roles in subjugating and civilizing the Chichimeca country."

By the middle of the Sixteenth Century, the Tarascans, Aztecs, Cholultecans, Otomíes, Tlaxcalans, and the Cazcanes had all joined forces with the Spanish military. By the time the Chichimeca War had begun, the Tarascans and Otomíes, in particular, had already developed "considerable experience in warfare alongside the Spaniards." As a result, explains Mr. Powell, "they were the first important auxiliaries employed for entradas against the Chichimecas."

The employment of Tarascans, Mexicans, and Tlaxcalans for the purpose of "defensive colonization" also encouraged a gradual assimilation of the Chichimecas. In the 1590s Náhuatl-speaking colonists from Tlaxcala and the Valley of Mexico settled in some parts of Jalisco to serve, as Mr. Gerhard writes, "as a frontier militia and a civilizing influence." As the Indians of Jalisco made peace and settled down to work for Spanish employers, they were absorbed into the more dominant Indian groups that had come from the south. By the early Seventeenth Century, writes Mr. Powell, most of the Chichimeca Indians had disappeared as distinguishable cultural entities.

The fourth cause of depopulation and displacement of the Jalisco Indians was contagious disease. The physical isolation of the Indians in the Americas is the primary reason for which disease caused such havoc with the Native American populations. This physical isolation resulted in a natural quarantine from the rest of the planet and from a wide assortment of communicable diseases. When smallpox first ravaged through Mexico in 1520, no Indian had immunity to the disease.

During the first century of the conquest, the Mexican Indians suffered through 19 major epidemics. They were exposed to smallpox, chicken pox, diphtheria, influenza, scarlet fever, measles, typhoid, mumps, influenza, and cocoliztli (a hemorrhagic disease). Peter Gerhard has estimated the total native population of Nueva Galicia in 1520 at 855,000 persons. However, in the next two decades, the populous coastal region north of Banderas Bay witnessed the greatest population decline. "The unusually brutal conquest," writes Mr. Gerhard, "was swiftly followed by famine, further violence and dislocation, and epidemic disease."

By the late 1530s, the population of the Pacific coastal plain and foothills from Acaponeta to Puficación had declined by more than half. Subsequently, Indians from the highland areas were transported to work in the cacao plantations. When their numbers declined, the Spaniards turned to African slaves. By 1560, Mr. Gerhard wrote, the 320,000 indigenous people who occupied the entire tierra caliente in 1520 had dropped to a mere 20,000. A plague in 1545-1548 is believed to have killed off more than half of the surviving Indians of the highland regions. By 1550, it is believed that there were an estimated 220,000 Indians in all of Nueva Galicia.

The author José Ramirez Flores, in his work, Lenguas Indígenas de Jalisco, has gone to great lengths in reconstructing the linguistic map of the Jalisco of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. It must be remembered that, although Jalisco first came under Spanish control in the 1520s, certain sections of the state remained isolated and under Amerindian control until late in the Sixteenth Century. The diversity of Jalisco's early indigenous population can be understood more clearly by exploring individual tribes or regions of the state. The following paragraphs are designed to provide the reader with some basic knowledge of several of the indigenous groups of Jalisco:

The Cazcanes. The Cazcanes (Caxcanes) lived in the northern section of the state. They were a partly nomadic people, whose principal religious and population centers were at Teul, Tlaltenango, Juchipila, and Teocaltiche. According to Señor Flores, the languages of the Caxcanes Indians were widely spoken in the northcentral portion of Jalisco along the "Three-Fingers Border Zone" with Zacatecas. It is believed that the Caxcanes language was spoken at Teocaltiche, Ameca, Huejúcar, and across the border in Nochistlán, Zacatecas.

According to Mr. Powell, the Caxcanes were "the heart and the center of the Indian rebellion in 1541 and 1542." After the Mixtón Rebellion, the Cazcanes became allies of the Spaniards. For this reason, they suffered attacks by the Zacatecas and Guachichiles during the Chichimeca War. As a cultural group, the Caxcanes ceased to exist during the Nineteenth Century.

Cocas. The Coca Indians inhabited portions of central Jalisco, in the vicinity of Guadalajara and Lake Chapala. When the Spaniards first entered this area, the Coca Indians, guided by their leader Tzitlali, moved away to a small valley surrounded by high mountains, a place they named "Cocolan." Because the Cocas were peaceful people, the Spaniards, for the most part, left them alone. José Ramírez Flores lists Cuyutlán, San Marcos, Tlajomulco, Toluquilla and Poncitlán as towns in which the Coca language was spoken.

Coras. The Coras inhabited what is most of present-day Nayarit as well as the northwestern fringes of Jalisco. The word "mariachi" is believed to have originated in their language. Today, the Coras, numbering up to 15,000 people, continue to survive, primarily in Nayarit and Jalisco. The Cora Indians have been studied by several historians and archaeologists. One of the most interesting works about the Cora is Catherine Palmer Finerty's In a Village Far From Home: My Life Among the Cora Indians of the Sierra Madre (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2000).

Cuyutecos. The Cuyutecos - speaking the Nahua language of the Aztecs - settled in southwestern Jalisco, inhabiting Atenquillo, Talpa, Mascota, Mixtlán, Atengo, and Tecolotlán. The population of this area - largely depleted by the epidemics of the Sixteenth Century - was partially repopulated by Spaniards and Indian settlers from Guadalajara and other parts of Mexico. It is believed the Cuyuteco language may have been a late introduction into Jalisco. Other Nahua languages were spoken in such southern Jalisco towns as Tuxpan and Zapotlán.

Guachichiles. The Guachichiles, of all the Chichimeca Indians, occupied the most extensive territory. The Guachichile Indians - so well known for their fierce resistance towards the Spaniards in the Chichimeca War (1550-1590) - inhabited the areas near Lagos de Moreno, Arandas, Ayo el Chico, and Tepatitlán in the Los Altos region of northeastern Jalisco. Considered both warlike and brave, the Guachichiles also roamed through a large section of the present-day state of Zacatecas.

The name of "Guachichile" that the Mexicans gave them meant "heads painted of red," a reference to the red dye that they used to pain their bodies, faces and hair. Although the main home of the Guachichile Indians lay in Zacatecas, they had a significant representation in the Los Altos area of Jalisco. After the end of the Chichimeca War, the Guachichiles were very quickly assimilated and Christianized and no longer exist as a distinguishable cultural entity.

Huicholes. Some historians believe that the Huichol Indians are descended from the nomadic Guachichiles, having moved westward and settled down to an agrarian lifestyle, inhabited a small area in northwestern Jalisco, adjacent to the border with Nayarit. The Huicholes, seeking to avoid confrontation with the Spaniards, became very isolated and thus we able to survive as a people and a culture.

The isolation of the Huicholes - now occupying parts of northwestern Jalisco and Nayarit - has served them well for their aboriginal culture has survived with relatively few major modifications since the period of first contact with Western culture. Even today, the Huichol Indians of Jalisco and Nayarit currently inhabit an isolated region of the Sierra Madre Occidental. Their language was spoken in the northern stretches of the Three-Fingers Region of Northern Jalisco, in particular Huejuquilla, Tuxpan and Colotlán.

The survival of the Huichol has intrigued historians and archaeologists alike. The art, history, culture, language and religion of the Huichol have been the subject of at least a dozen books. Carl Lumholtz, in Symbolism of the Huichol Indians: A Nation of Shamans (Oakland, California: B.I. Finson, 1988), made observations about the religion of the Huichol. Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst edited People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), discussed the history, culture and language of these fascinating people in great detail.

Otomíes. The Otomíes were a Chichimeca nation primarily occupying Queretaro and Jilotepec. However, early on, the Otomíes allied themselves with the Spaniards and Mexica Indians. As a result, writes Mr. Powell, Otomí settlers were "issued a grant of privileges" and were "supplied with tools for breaking land." For their allegiance, they were exempted from tribute and given a certain amount of autonomy in their towns. During the 1550s, Luis de Velasco (the second Viceroy of Nueva España) used Otomí militia against the Chichimecas. The strategic placement of Otomí settlements in Nueva Galicia made their language dominant near Zapotitlán, Juchitlán, Autlán, and other towns near Jalisco's southern border with Colima.

Purépecha Indians (Tarascans). The Purépecha Indians - also referred to as the Tarascans, Tarscos, and Porhé - inhabited most of present-day Michoacán and boasted a powerful empire that rivaled the Aztec Empire during the Fifteenth and early Sixteenth Centuries. As recently as 1990, the Purápecha numbered 120,000 speakers. This language, classified as an isolated language, was spoken along the southern fringes of southern Jalisco, adjacent to the border with Colima.

Tecuexes. The Tecuexes Indians occupied a considerable area of Jalisco north of Guadalajara and western Los Altos, including Mexticacan, Jalostotitlan, Tepatitilan, Yahualica, Juchitlán, and Tonalán. The Tecuexes also occupied the central region near Tequila, Amatltán, Cuquio, and Epatan. The Tecuexes have been studied by Dr. Phil Weigand, who wrote articles on them. They no longer exist as a cultural group.

Tepehuanes. In pre-Hispanic times, the Tepehuán Indians inhabited a wide swath of territory that stretch through sections of present-day Jalisco, Nayarit, Durango and Chihuahua. However, their territory was gradually encroached upon by the Spaniards and indigenous migrants from central Mexico. After they were crushed in their rebellion of 1616-1619, the Tepehuán moved to hiding places in the Sierra Madre to avoid Spanish retaliation.

Today, the Tepehuán retain elements of their old culture. At the time of the Spanish contact, the Tepehuanes language was spoken in "Three Fingers Region" of northwestern Jalisco in such towns as Tepec, Mezquitic and Colotlán. The Tepehuanes language and culture are no longer found in Jalisco, but more than 25,000 Tepehuanes still reside in southern Chihuahua and southeastern Durango.

The revolt of 1616 was described in great detail by Charlotte M. Gradie's The Tepehuán Revolt of 1616: Militarism, Evangelism and Colonialism in Seventeenth Century Nueva Vizcaya (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000). The author Campbell W. Pennington also wrote about the Tepehuán people in The Tepehuán of Chihuahua (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969).

The indigenous nations of Sixteenth Century Jalisco experienced such enormous upheaval in the space of mere decades that it has been difficult for historians to reconstruct the original homes of some native groups. Peter Gerhard, in The Northern Frontier of New Spain, has done a spectacular job of exploring the specific history of each colonial jurisdiction. Anyone who studies Mr. Gerhard's work comes to realize that each jurisdiction, and each community within each jurisdiction, has experienced a unique set of circumstances that set it apart from all other jurisdictions. A brief discussion of some of the individual districts of Jalisco follows:

Tequila (North central Jalisco). The indigenous name for this community is believed to have been Tecuallan (which, over time, evolved to its present form). The inhabitants of this area were Tecuexe farmers, most of who lived in the Barranca. North of the Río Grande were the Huicholes, who were the traditional enemies of the Tecuexes. Although Guzmán and his forces passed through this area in 1530, the natives of this area offered stiff resistance to Spanish incursions into their lands. The Huicholes north of the Río Grande raided the Tecuexes settlements in the south before 1550. According to Gerhard, "the Indians [of this jurisdiction] remained hostile and uncontrolled until after the Chichimec war when an Augustinian friar began their conversion."

Lagos de Moreno (Northeastern Los Altos). The author Alfredo Moreno González tells us that the Native American village occupying this area was Pechititán. According to Mr. Gerhard, "most if not all of the region was occupied at contact by Chichimec hunters-gatherers, probably Guachichiles, with a sprinkling of Guamares in the east." It is also believed that Tecuexes occupied the region southwest of Lagos. When Pedro Almíndez Chirinos traveled through here in March 1530 with a force of fifty Spaniards and 500 Tarascan and Tlaxcalan allies, the inhabitants gave him a peaceful reception.

Jalostotitlán (Northern Los Altos). This town was called a parish of Tecuexes.

San Juan de Los Lagos and Encarnación de Díaz (Northern Los Altos). The indigenous people of these districts were called "Chichimecas blancos" because of the limestone pigments they used to color their bodies and faces. The indigenous name for San Juan was Mezquititlán.

La Barca (East central Jalisco). La Barca and the shores of Lake Chapala were the sites of three indigenous nations: Poncitlán and Cuitzeo - which ran along the shores of Lake Chapala - and Coinan, north of the lake. The people of these three chiefdoms spoke the Coca language. Guzman's forces traveled through here in 1530, laying waste to much of the region. By 1585, both Coca and Náhuatl were spoken at Ocotlán, although Gerhard tells us that the latter "was a recent introduction."

Tlaxmulco (Central Jalisco). Before the contact, the Tarascans held this area. However, they were later driven out by a tribe from Tonalán. At the time of contact, there were two communities of Coca speakers: Tlaxmulco and Coyotlan. The natives here submitted to Guzmán and were enlisted to fight with his army in the conquest of the west coast. After the Mixtón Rebellion, Cazcanes migrated to this area.

Tonalá / Tonallan (Central Jalisco). At contact, the region east of here had a female ruler. Although the ruling class in this region was Coca speakers, the majority of the inhabitants were Tecuexes. Coca was the language at Tlaquepaque, while Tzalatitlan was a Tecuexe community. In March 1530, Nuño de Guzmán arrived in Tonalán and defeated the Tecuexes in battle.

San Cristóbal de la Barranca (North central Jalisco). Several native states existed in this area, most notably Atlemaxaque, Tequixixtlan, Cuauhtlan, Ichcatlan, Quilitlan, and Epatlan. By 1550, some of the communities were under Spanish control, while the "Tezoles" (possibly a Huichol group) remained "unconquered." Nine pueblos in this area around that time boasted a total population of 5,594. After the typhus epidemic of 1580, only 1,440 Indians survived. The migration of Tecuexes into this area led historians to classify Tecuexe as the dominant language of the area.

Colotlán (Northern Jalisco). Colotlán can be found in Jalisco's northerly "Three-Fingers" boundary area with Zacatecas. This heavily wooded section of the Sierra Madre Occidental remained beyond Spanish control until after the end of the Chichimeca War. It is believed that Indians of Cazcan and Tepecanos origin lived in this area. However, this zone became "a refuge for numerous groups fleeing from the Spaniards." Tepehuanes Indians - close relatives to the Tepecanos - are believed to have migrated here following their rebellion in Durango in 1617-1618.

Cuquío (North central Jalisco). When the European explorers reached Cuquío in north central Jalisco they described it as a densely populated region of farmers. The dominant indigenous language in this region was Tecuexe. Guzmán's lieutenant, Almíndez Chirinos, ravaged this area in February 1530, and in 1540-41, the Indians in this area were among the insurgents taking part in the Mixtón Rebellion.

Tepatitlán (Los Altos, Eastern Jalisco). Tecuexes inhabited this area of stepped plateaus descending from a range of mountains, just east of Guadalajara. In the south, the people spoke Coca. This area was invaded by Guzmán and in 1541 submitted to Viceroy Mendoza.

Guadalajara. When the Spanish arrived in the vicinity of present-day Guadalajara in 1530, they found about one thousand dispersed farmers belonging to the Tecuexes and Cocas. But after the Mixtón Rebellion of the early 1540s, whole communities of Cazcanes were moved south to the plains near Guadalajara.

Purificación (Westernmost part of Jalisco). The rugged terrain of this large colonial jurisdiction is believed to have been inhabited by primitive farmers, hunters, and fisherman who occupied some fifty autonomous communities. Both disease and war ravaged this area, which came under Spanish control by about 1560.

Tepec and Chimaltitlán (Northern Jalisco). The region surrounding Tepec and Chimaltitlán remained a stronghold of indigenous defiance. Sometime around 1550, Gerhard writes that the Indians in this area were described as "uncontrollable and savage." The indigenous inhabitants drove out Spanish miners working the silver deposits around the same time. A wide range of languages was spoken in this area: Tepehuán at Chimaltitlán and Tepic, Huichol in Tuxpan and Santa Catarina, and Cazcan to the east (near the border with Zacatecas).

Copyright © 2004 by John P. Schmal. All Rights under applicable law are hereby reserved. Material from this article may be reproduced for educational purposes and personal, non-commerical home use only. Reproduction of this article for commercial purposes is strictly prohibited without the express permission of John P. Schmal.


José Ramírez Flores, Lenguas Indígenas de Jalisco. Guadalajara: Unidad Editorial, 1980.

Peter Gerhard, The North Frontier of New Spain. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1982.

Afredo Moreno González, Santa Maria de Los Lagos. Lagos de Moreno: D.R.H. Ayuntamiento de Los Lagos de Moreno, 1999.

José Antonio Gutiérrez Gutiérrez, Los Altos de Jalisco: Panorama histórico de una region y de su sociedad hasta 1821. Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1991.

José María Muriá, Breve Historia de Jalisco. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994.

Philip Wayne Powell, Soldiers Indians and Silver: North America's First Frontier War. Tempe, Arizona: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1975.

Eric Van Young, "The Indigenous Peoples of Western Mexico from the Spanish Invasion to the Present: The Center-West as Cultural Region and Natural Environment," in Richard E. W. Adams and Murdo J. MacLeod, The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, Volume II: Mesoamerica, Part 2 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 136-186

Juan N. Alvarez, Federalist, Revolutionary, and Liberator

Time has come to shatter the obscurity that surrounds Juan N. Alvarez. Did history produce this outstanding leader because the times demanded such, or did the times create Juan N. Alvarez? Understanding the historical atmosphere that surrounds early 19th century Mexico, surveying the outstanding accomplishments of Juan Alvarez, and realizing the influence he wielded all contributes to our analysis of him and a better interpretation of his place in Mexican history. When a country's history is written, the silent and unnoticed servants also deserve reflection and tribute. The purpose of this paper is to establish Juan N. Alvarez a rightful place in history.

After the deaths of Hidalgo and Allende, the Mexican independence movement continued through a different type of revolutionary leader. Many of them were mestizo in origin and came from humble backgrounds, without the education of Hidalgo. In many ways these leaders were more competent, more military-minded, and more steadfast in accomplishing their objectives. These leaders did not gather their armies from the masses; they created small, well-trained, and disciplined armies. "Instead of gathering hordes of cotton-clad Indians, armed only with knives and slings, they recruited troops of horsemen, equipped with guns and machetes, who could defend against armies."( Parkes 155). In the mountains of the South and northern territories--Zacatecas, Durango, and San Luis Potosí--there were fewer haciendas and many more rancheros. The Indian tribes were more militant. In these large areas, a new meaning of cacique developed. The new cacique was of mestizo heritage, not so much a living god, but more a chieftain father. He represented the will of the masses, commanding unbelievable loyalty and self-willed obedience. This chieftain was able to lead his supporters into war, if necessary or to govern them, with or without legal sanction in time of peace. Such a man was Juan N. Alvarez. 

For at least a century, caciquism was the form through which democracy would reign in Mexico. In a land of both Spanish and Indian descent and traditions--a land of illiteracy--elective democracy was not possible. These caciques were the revolutionaries who fought against the Creole caudillos of the regular army. Thus, the birth of the conflicts between liberalism and conservatism and federalism and centralism was confirmed. The caciques and their followers supported a liberal system that gave local autonomy modeled on the federalism of the United States. They hoped to legalize their powers. 

On the other hand, the conservative creoles supported a centralized government like the viceroys, which would grant the City of Mexico the right to rule the provinces of all Mexico (Parkes 181). Hence, the stage was set for war. The stronghold of the conservatives was Mexico City and the central provinces where the Spanish rule had been the strongest. This was in sharp contrast to the liberal stronghold in the mountains of the South and the northern territories. The threat of liberalism terrified the Spanish and the Mexican reactionaries. To them, liberalism meant no more fueros, confiscation of church property, spread of education, and illiterate Indians choosing Mexico's government. In actuality, the reactionary government believed that liberalism threatened their means of living. They were afraid liberalism would infect Mexico and spread across the nation. As long as the creoles were in power, Mexico was doomed to failure. The moderados longed for constitutional democracy, while the clericals thought only of an authoritarian government. Neither of these factions were strong enough, honest enough, or had ability enough to establish a stable political system. The government in power in Mexico was always centered around powerful characters, individuals, or dictators who could control the masses. 

Enter Augustín de Iturbide, the political conservative, who supported a ruling clergy, a centralized government, and a powerful army. The year was 1813, and Iturbide was a man for himself, controlling all around him and eliminating all those he could not control. "In two months he captured and shot 19 chieftains and 900 of their followers." (Parkes 163). During Iturbide's reign of terror, a new group of liberals emerged, led by José María Morelos. These were courageous men who could not be threatened, bribed, or bought (Parkes 181). One of Morelos' most powerful supporters was Juan N. Alvarez. During the next 45 years, Alvarez was destined to be an outstanding liberal leader known across Mexico for his loyalty to freedom's cause "...a political figure of the first magnitude." (Tlapa, History 5). Of the chieftains or the caciques, Henry Parkes states, "occasionally corrupt and tyrannical, they were sometimes men of genuine integrity and idealism."(Parkes180). 

Proud of his heritage, Juan Alvarez worked the land with his own hands and lived the life of a ranchero. Juan N. Alvarez was born January 27, 1790, in Concepción de Atoyac (later called Ciudad Alvarez), Mexico. His lineage was of mixed heritage--Indian and Negro (Tlapa, History 5). History first records Alvarez in 1810, at the age of 20, fighting with Morelos against the conservatives, led by Augustín de Iturbide.

Destined for greatness, Alvarez was a natural born leader. He proved to be loyal to Morelos and the liberal cause (Tlapa, History 5). Morelos was a guerrilla fighter, but also a well-disciplined leader, unafraid of confrontation. He planned to carry out a complete revolutionary break from Spanish control. Morelos did not even pretend to be loyal to King Ferdinand of Spain (Parkes 159). While Alvarez served with Morelos, he tested his own beliefs, values, and loyalties. He made his choices and became a man with a cause. He learned his job well. Alvarez quickly gained the recognition of his superiors. In 1819, the Mexican Provisional Government of the Provinces of the West named Juan Alvarez colonel and second commander-in-chief of the coast of the South (Tlapa, History 2). In 1821, Alvarez captured Acapulco and was named commander-in-chief of Acapulco (Tlapa, History 5). In 1824, Alvarez led another insurrection, supporting the Constitution of 1824 and helping Gómez Farías and the puros return to power (Parkes 214). Between 1810 and 1855, Alvarez participated in numerous revolutionary movements to establish Mexican Independence. He created a great sphere of influence in his native state where he inspired and led his people (Britannica 700).

In the first place, Alvarez and Morelos believed that Mexico should be a republic. The programs of the Mexican reformers included Mexico being governed by the will of the people, racial equality (which would idealistically eliminate class struggle), abolition of fueros for both clergy and military, breaking up of haciendas into small holdings for the peasants, confiscating the property of the rich and using one-half of this money to operate the government, giving the other one-half to the poor, and the seizure of church lands. From the conservative viewpoint, these ideas were more than a little radical. Under the leadership of Alvarez and Morelos, Congress began to draft a constitution that provided for universal suffrage and indirect elections. Sadly though, by the time this constitution was done, the viceroy had driven Morelos back into the mountains. Morelos continued to fight in the mountains until he was captured, jailed, and shot for his revolution of liberalism. (Parkes 160).

In spite of the resistance from the conservatives, Juan Alvarez continued to lead the fight for Mexican independence. From 1822 to 1823, Alvarez distinguished himself by supporting Antonio López de Santa Anna in a revolt that finally ousted Augustín de Iturbide, the first ruler of independent Mexico (Britannica. com). Santa Anna thought of himself as the liberator of Mexico and the founder of the Mexican Republic, but the government of the republic did not view him as such. Without the leadership qualities of Juan Alvarez, Santa Anna could never have succeeded.

During the late 1820's, Vicente Guerrero, the liberal candidate for President of Mexico, was the most popular and gained the most support of the Mexican people. But the conservative candidate Gómez Pedraza was declared President, and Anastasio Bustamante became Vice-president. Santa Anna refused to recognize this government. Vicente Guerrero fought with Santa Anna to regain the presdidency for the Liberals. Guerrero was defeated and fled south into the mountains to join forces with Juan Alvarez. In 1830 and for one year, Guerrero and Alvarez resisted Bustamante and his new government (Parkes 195). Bustamante believed in centralism, and his 1830 campaign slogan defended religion and fueros (Tlapa, History 5). Still bearing loyalty to Vicente Guerrero and the liberal cause, Alvarez tried to save Guerrero's life in 1830, but he was not successful. Guerrero was enticed on board an Italian merchant ship at Acapulco and sold to the new conservative government for 50,000 pesos, convicted, and executed (Parkes 195). 

Not only was Juan Alvarez a revolutionary, but he was a defender of his people and a powerful chieftain. For example, in 1842, Guerrero revolted in violent rebellion protesting unbearable taxes and the denial of request to return to the natives the land that was rightfully theirs. By 1845, Alvarez had drafted an agrarian manifesto in support of the farmers. Alvarez used arms, persuasion, and meditation to resolve these problems among the farmers, landowners, natives, and the government. In 1857, Juan Alvarez published a document entitled "Manifest to the Cultural Towns of Europe and America." The purpose of this document was to defend the agrarian cause. Its aim was to hasten the return of Indian lands to the natives. Another time, Alvarez had a confrontation with two brothers that resulted in "The War of the Three Juans." Two brothers, Juan Antonio and Vicarious Juan, refused to honor the General Constitution concerning the agrarian policy (Tlapa History 2). Again Alvarez had proven himself a capable chieftain.

Once more in 1847, Alvarez fought alongside Santa Anna in the Mexican War against the United States, defending Mexico City (Britannica .com). Two years later in 1849, Alvarez entered public service for the first time. He was now 59 years old. From 1849 to 1853, he served as a liberal governor of the newly founded state of Guerrero, whom he named after the famous revolutionary leader, Vicente Guerrero. When Santa Anna reestablished his dictatorship of Mexico in 1853, Juan Alvarez retreated, not threatening Santa Anna as long as he did not threaten Alvarez’s state of Guerrero ( Melchor Ocampo and Benito Juárez refused to accept Santa Anna’s rule and were exiled (

Meanwhile, Santa Anna was draining Mexico’s treasury again, and many of the leading generals and bureaucrats had turned against him. Juan Alvarez had been a leader in every liberal rebellion for 40 years. At this time in his life, he was an influential chieftain in Guerrero where "Morelos was still a living memory and liberalism still had a stronghold." (Parkes 227). Finally in 1854, Alvarez led a rebellion against Santa Anna who had threatened Guerrero and marched southward to capture it. Alvarez and his guerrilleros avoided battle and retreated to the mountains, waiting for the climate to drive Santa Anna back (Parkes 227). Alvarez and Comonfort, a creole in hiding whom Santa Anna had dismissed, published the Plan of Ayutla. By the spring of 1855, most of northern Mexico supported the Plan. The Plan of Ayutla was a reform program calling for the end of the dictatorship of Santa Anna and the gathering of a representative assembly to frame a federal constitution. It prepared the way for the War of Reform (1856-1861) and the liberal government. Its main supporters were Juan Alvarez, Ignacio Comonfort, Miguel and Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada and Benito Juárez (Columbia Encyclopedia). This work of Alvarez and Comonfort resulted in a liberal trend known as La Reforma (The Reform) and the Constitution of 1857 (

After Santa Anna left Mexico, the country was in confusion. The returned leaders acted as a brain trust to carry out reform. Its goals were to establish the remnants of colonial government by removing clerical and military privileges; to separate the church and state by secularizing education, marriages, and burials; to reduce economic power of the church by forcing it to sell all of its properties; to begin an economic movement of small farmers and industrialists; and, above all, establish a single standard of legal justice ( Leaders of the revolution accepted Juan Alvarez as chief of the revolution. In a junta met at Cuernavaca and presided over by Gómez Farías, Juan Alvarez was declared provisional president. He organized his government here in Cuernavaca and moved to the Capital. The people paraded in the streets cheering for Levers and Comfort (Parks 228).

Juan Alvarez became President of Mexico in October 1855. On November 14, 1855, he rode into Mexico City attended by his bodyguard of Indian warriors from the southern mountains. This indicated no more Santa Anna. Stern and serious men would now govern Mexico (Parkes 229). Nevertheless, Alvarez was unable to establish harmony among the liberal factions. He did not develop a clearly defined Presidential program for the country ( Then in early December, Melchor Ocampo, the representative of intellectual radicalism, was forced out of the cabinet. Alvarez took this as a warning sign (Parkes 234). Alvarez’s heart was in the right place, but he was just a better revolutionary leader than a Presidential executive. On December 8, 1855, after just 3 months as President, Juan Alvarez resigned in favor of Ignacio Comonfort as President (Encyclopedia Americana). Different reasons had led Alvarez to resign. First, he was despised for his lack of education. He was also a racial figure, of both Indian and Black descent, and he was feared as a representative of racial warfare. When he led his Indian warriors into the City of Mexico, all the wealthy and landed rich became afraid of peasant rebellions and massacres of the Creoles and the destruction of civilized society. Perhaps they were afraid for the masses to choose their own government.

Being able to realistically view himself, Alvarez knew he was unfit for the delicate tasks of statesmanship. Guerrilla leadership was his talent and calling. When Doblado threatened to pronounce for Comonfort, Alvarez resigned without a struggle and returned to his home in the mountains of Guerrero (Tuck 3,4).

However, Alvarez was by no means finished as a leader. Mexico, in some measure, appreciated Alvarez’s leadership. "In 1861 it was declared Meritorious of the Mother country..." (Tlapa, History 2). During the 1860’s, Alvarez now in his 70’s, opposed the French attempt to establish Maximilian as emperor in Mexico (Encyclopedia Americana). He, along with Juárez, defended Mexico during the French invasion to the front of the Division of the South (Tlapa, History 5). Alvarez sent this message to the French and Maximilian sympathizers, "I still live, men of the coast, I who have ever led you to fight against tyrants (Parkes 261). Juan Alvarez was 74 years old now and still master of Guerrero and the mountains of the south. Other liberal generals fled to the United States because the French court-martial or terrorized liberal sympathizers. The French held most of the cities and organized plebiscites for Maximilian. In April 1864, Maximilian accepted the crown as Emperor of Mexico (Parkes 258). Looming in the background and rising was a new liberal who controlled Oaxaca--Porfirio Diaz. In 1866, Diaz had surrendered to the French. He escaped confinement in a roofless chapel in Pueblo and ran across the breadth of Mexico to Alvarez in Guerrero and into the mountains. With Alvarez’s help, Diaz organized a ring of armies to fight the French (Parkes 268). Juan Alvarez’s life had now made a full circle--the learner had become the teacher.

Moreover, Napoleon III had as his goal the regeneration of Mexico in French style. On the contrary, Mexico had not received Maximilian or the French well. Napoleon had only succeeded in uniting Mexico’s cause of reform with that of national independence. In 1861, Juárez had been confronted by many uncontrollable problems. Except for the French intervention, these problems might have thrown Mexico into anarchy. But in 1867, with Napoleon III at a safe distance, "Juárez assumed leadership of an almost united people who regarded him not only as a symbol of a liberal constitution but also of the nation" (Parkes 278).

Before Alvarez died August 21, 1876, he did live to see the Republic recovered by the Liberals (Tlapa, History 2). Few other great leaders were still alive to see the victory of liberalism. Ocampo, Degollado, and Comonfort had been killed. Doblado and de Tejada were dead (Parkes 277). But Juan Alvarez saw the movement he had supported and the Constitution of 1857 blossom into reform and a new beginning for Mexico (

Once Juan Alvarez was described as "The most uncompromising of liberal warriors during civil war."(Parkes 180). "It was said not a leaf could stir in the entire territory without his consent."(Parkes 181). Mexican history records the events of many prominent leaders, both liberal and conservative. Yet, not enough emphasis is placed on the accomplishments and labors of the common chieftains like Juan Alvarez. As Henry Parkes so aptly stated, "One of the noblest of them was Juan Alvarez, an old follower of Morelos, who for nearly fifty years was the undisputed master of the mountains of the South...." (Parkes 180). He gave his entire life to the cause of Mexican independence. So many questions about Alvarez remain unanswered. Research is very difficult; probably because few records were kept by the uneducated masses.

Without a doubt, Juan Alvarez deserves a distinguished place in Mexican history. The people of Tlapa, his home, describe him as "Republican, federalist, and liberal always ready to defend to the death his mother country and his companions of fight"(Talapa, History 2). We may never form a physical or personal acquaintance with Juan Alvarez, but we know him. His heart was good. He was a diamond in the rough. He was a warrior, not a President. He was an inspiration, not a task master. He was a servant, not a self-seeker. He was a patriot, not an aristocrat. He was of gentle blood, not blue-blood. He was of humble lineage, not a king. He was an emancipator, not an insurrectionist. He was a nationalist, not an anarchist. He was rebellious, but not a rebel. He was a patriarch, not a dictator. He sought freedom for his people and devoted his life to them - the common masses of Mexico.

Kay Stacy


Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company), 1960.

Benton, William. "Juan Alvarez", Encyclopedia Britannica, vol.1, 1976 ed.

"Alvarez, Juan," , Encyclopedia Britannica. Online. 18 November, 2000.

Tuck, Jim, "Mexico’s Lincoln." The Ecstasy and Agony of Benito Juárez", History of Mexico, Online. Mexico connect. 19 November 2000.

"Alvarez, Juan, " Encyclopedia Americana, vol.1, Grolier Incorporated, 1970 ed.

"Tlapa the Mountain, the City, The Lake, the People History 2, History 5, "Online. Tlapa. 2 November, 2000.

"Juan Alvarez", infoplease. Online. Lycos Network. 19 November, 2000.

"Alvarez, Juan", Columbia Encyclopedia : 6th ed.,2000. Online. 19 November, 2000.

"Ayulta," Columbia Encyclopedia: 6th ed. 2000 .Online 19 November, 2000.

"Alvarez, Juan," Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia. Online. Learning 19 November, 2000

"History of Mexico: From Independence to Revolution 1808 until 1931" Online. About the Human Net. 2 November, 2000

Cervantes DNA Surname Project 


I would like to invite you to join the Cervantes DNA Surname Project. The Cervantes surname in Mexico has its roots as far back as the early 16th Century. You have two important individuals with this surname.

The first one is Leonel de Cervantes, he came with Hernan Cortes in the conquest of Mexico in 1520.  Leonel de Cervantes was born in Burguillos del Cerro, Spain and was a member of a noble family. He was also a Commander of the Santiago Order of Knights. Leonel de Cervantes escorted Moctezuma out to address his people who were in revolt against the Conquistadors. Moctezuma was then stoned by his subjects. He died later of these wounds. Just after the conquest Cortes allowed Leonel to return home to Spain upon which Cervantes promised he would return to Mexico with his five daughters and marry them to Conquistadors. He kept his promise. He settled in Mexico City and also
had a son and another daughter born in New Spain (Mexico). His wife was the former Leonor de Andrada. He died on September 20, 1561. He was buried in the Monastery of San Francisco, Mexico City. A descendant was governor of Oaxaca in 1981.

The second person with the Cervantes surname is Juan Cervantes Casaus El Factor, he came to Mexico City in 1530 from Sevilla, Andalusia, Spain. He was sent by Carlos V King of Spain to help reorganize the Spanish colony in New Spain (Mexico). What is interesting
about Juan Cervantes Casaus El Factor is that he married one of the daughters of Leonel de Cervantes and Leonor de Andrada in the middle 1530's. His wife was the former Luisa Andrada y Lara. He acknowledged a distant family relationship to Leonel de Cervantes.
Juan Cervantes Casaus El Factor had 12 children with Luisa Andrada y Lara, many of which were male with this surname.

Most modern day Mexican historians such as Jose Ignacio Davila Garibe and Jesus Amaya claim that 70% of people with the surname Cervantes are descendant from either or both these two individuals. Nevertheless, there is the problem of how many other trunks there are for this surname.

The project goals are to clarify the problems that the gap in the paper trial has left the Cervantes history in Mexico. Such as:
1) Do most Cervantes' from Mexico descend from a single progenitor?
2) Where there are gaps in the paper trial, hopefully sibling relationships can be made that can enable one to follow the records of a sibling that are more clear.
3) Were there name changes, are there people with the surname Cervantes that are descendant from other surnames or visa versa.

How to join this surname project: FamilyTreeDNA offers a discount on their 12 marker test ($99 +P/H, the price of several genealogy books) and their 25 marker test ($169 +P/H) or the new 37 marker test ($229 +P/H) to those participating in a Surname Project. This
surname project is open to all Cervantes' with a Y-dna line to Mexico or Spain. Since women do not have Y-chromosome DNA they would need the assistance of a brother, Uncle or other male relative with the Cervantes surname. 

In order to join the "Cervantes Surname Project" and get this discount just go to this link

Just decide on the 12 marker test or the 25 or 37 Y-dna marker test. The 25 or 37 marker tests are more economical in the long run. All tests show the group discount of $99 for the 12 marker or $169 for the 25 marker test or $229 for the 37 marker test. The test results take about 4 to 6 weeks from the time FamilyTreeDNA gets your sample. 

To see project results go to this website:

Angel R. Cervantes
Administrator of the Cervantes DNA Surname Project
Also sent by Danielle Brown



by John P. Schmal



The Mexican state of Aguascalientes ("Hot Waters") is located in central Mexico. Surrounded by Zacatecas (on the north and west) and by Jalisco (on the south and east), Aguascalientes occupies 5,589 square kilometers, corresponding to only 0.3% of the Mexico’s surface area. Although it is one of the smallest Mexican states, Aguascalientes holds a position of great importance in the Mexican Republic, in large part because of its strategic location within the country. With its textile, electronics and auto parts industries, Aguascalientes represents an integral part of the Mexican economy.

Located on the Anáhuac Plateau, the state is linked by railroad to both Mexico City in the south and Ciudad Juárez in the north. In fact, Aguascalientes’ transportation network is linked to many parts of Mexico. A ride to Guadalajara would take approximately 2 hours and 15 minutes, while a drive north to the city of Zacatecas would take one hour and 45 minutes.

In 2000, the capital city of Aguascalientes – as the eighteenth largest city in Mexico – had a total population of 594,100 persons. Aguascalientes is noted for its warm mineral springs and its comfortable climate. It has been called La Ciudad Perforada (City of Holes) because of the labyrinth of tunnels dug in Pre-Hispanic times by an unknown Indian tribe. The State of Aguascalientes had a population of 994,285 in 2000, making it one of the five most densely populated states in the country.

When the Spaniards arrived in the 1520s, this area was located in Chichimec Indian territory and represented a frontier region between three indigenous groups: the Caxcanes, Zacatecos, and Guachichiles. Caxcán farmers inhabited the southwestern portion of present-day Aguascalientes. In the north lived the nomadic Zacatecos Indians. And to the east in the largest part of the state lived the warlike Guachichile Indians.

The Caxcanes territory spread south and west through the Three-Fingers Border Region of present-day Zacatecas and Jalisco. The Zacatecos inhabited most of what is now known as Western Zacatecas. The widespread Guachichiles inhabited large portions of eastern Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, eastern Jalisco, and western Guanajuato.

At the end of 1529, after serving as President of the First Audiencia in Mexico, a professional lawyer named Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán led a land expedition from Mexico City toward the region of Aguascalientes and Jalisco. Leading an army of 300 Spaniards and 6000 indigenous people, Guzmán entered this territory and discovered springs of thermal water and mineral deposits.

In his expeditions, Guzmán laid waste to large areas of Jalisco, Aguascalientes, Michoacán, and Zacatecas, capturing and enslaving many Indians. Although Guzmán was eventually brought to trial for his crimes, his reign of terror would become a major catalyst for the Mixtón Rebellion of 1541.

In April and May of 1530, Guzmán’s lieutenants Pedro Almendes Chirinos and Cristóbal de Oñate, spent some time exploring the territory of present-day Teocaltiche, Nochistlán and Aguascalientes. During the 1530s, more Spanish forces moved into the area, and soon the Spanish colonial administrators gave this region the name Nueva Galicia, an area that comprised much of present-day Jalisco, Nayarit, Aguascalientes, and Zacatecas.

The Mixtón Rebellion of 1540-41 and the Chichimeca War of 1550-1600 made Nueva Galicia a war zone for many years. For the better part of four decades, the indigenous population of Aguascalientes, northern Jalisco and Zacatecas waged an unrelenting guerilla war against Spanish entrepreneurs and military forces and Indian laborers who traveled through the area. As a result many settlements were depopulated.

As early as the 1550s, Spaniards from Guadalajara had received grants for establishing cattle estancias in Guachichiles territory. From 1568 to 1580, Martin Enríquez de Almanza, serving as the Viceroy of Nueva España, decided to establish military outposts along the merchant routes to protect merchants and merchandise passing through the area from Zacatecas to Mexico City. The Viceroy believed that the garrisons would stand as a buffer against the hostile Indians occupying the area. This led to the founding of La Villa de Nuestra Señora de la Asunción de Aguascalientes (The Village of Our Lady of the Assumption of Aguascalientes) on October 22, 1575 by Doñ Gerónimo de Orozco, the President of the Royal Audiencia and Governor of Nueva Galicia. The founding of the villa was approved by King Felipe II, the ruling monarch in Spain.

However, the intensity of the Chichimeca War continued to increase and by 1582, the population of Aguascalientes had dwindled to one military commander, 16 soldiers and two citizen residents. In effect, the small settlement – located in the middle of the war zone – was under siege. But in the late 1580s, the threat of Indian attack diminished steadily, as the Spanish authorities attempted to negotiate a peace with the Indians of the region. The last Indian attack took place in 1593, after which the threat of hostile attack disappeared entirely and the region experienced a new peace.

The new-found peace of the 1590s, according to the historian Peter Gerhard, "brought a tide of Spanish settlers beginning in the 1590s, mostly cattlemen and farmers, together with Indian and Negro retainers." Because epidemics and war had reduced the indigenous population of the area, many slaves were brought into to labor alongside the Indians as the small village of Aguascalientes grew in size and stature.

By 1610, the small town of Aguascalientes had approximately 25 Spanish residents, about fifty families of mestizos, at least 100 mulatos, twenty Black slaves, and ten Indians. Most of these twenty-five Spanish inhabitants are believed to have been among the founding families of Aguascalientes, bearing the surnames Ruiz de Esparza, Alvarado, Tiscareno de Molina, Luebana, and Delgado.

The Registros Parroquiales (Parish Registers) for La Parroquia de la Asunción (Assumption Parish) in Aguascalientes are available through the Family History Library are contained on 458 rolls of film and range from 1616 to 1961. During the first decades that these registers were kept, dozens of marriages and baptisms were conducted for mestizos, negros, mulatos, and indios, who made up the majority of the population. It is interesting to note, however, that in some cases, the padrones (sponsors and godparents) at these marriages and baptisms of mixed-race and African persons were Spanish individuals, most notably the Ruiz de Esparza family.

The Ruiz de Esparza family is a well-known Basque family that settled in Aguascalientes at the beginning of the Seventeenth Century. The surname Esparza is said to mean one who came from Esparza (a barren place or a place where feather grass grew) in Spain. The word was derived from the Latin sparsus (spread abroad, scattered), probably referring to land that yields little. Esparza is the name of a village near Pamplona in Navarra (Navarre), España (Spain).

It is very likely that the Ruiz de Esparza family of Aguascalientes could trace its roots back to that small village. The patriarch of this family in Mexico was Lope Ruiz de Esparza, who is documented by the Catalogo de Pasajeros a Indias (Vol. III - #2.633) as having sailed from Spain to Mexico on Feb. 8, 1593. Lope, who was the son of Lope Ruiz de Esparza and Ana Días de Eguino, was a bachelor and a servant of Doñ Enrique Maleon. After arriving in Mexico, Lope made his way to Aguascalientes where, about a year later, he is believed to have married Francisca de Gabai Navarro y Moctezuma. In the following decades, the Ruiz de Esparza family intermarried extensively with other prominent Spanish families in early Aguascalientes, including Romo de Vivar, Macias Valdez, and Tiscareno de Molina.

In 1617, Aguascalientes was separated from Lagos de Moreno and given the status of an alcaldía mayor. Aguascalientes continued to grow in the next two centuries, in spite of periodic epidemics, which wreaked havoc on the indigenous population. One of these epidemics took place in 1738-1739, when, according to the burial register of Aguascalientes Parish, 1,018 people died, the majority of them Indian citizens of the area. The 1760 parish census indicated that 640 Indians and 6,386 non-Indians family lived within the bounds of the church jurisdiction. This translated into 20,441 persons who were qualified to receive Communion and Confession within the Church. If one considers infants and young children or people not attending church, the total population was probably about 34,000 persons.

During both colonial times and after independence, Aguascalientes was frequently the subject of jurisdictional battles between its neighboring states, Jalisco and Zacatecas. In 1804, the region became a subdelegación of Zacatecas. With the end of the Mexican Revolution, Aguascalientes became an independent political entity on June 22, 1821. However, soon after, in 1824, the small territory was incorporated as part of the State of Zacatecas and for the next 14 years it remained attached to its northern neighbor.

However, in 1835, the ruling party of Zacatecas rebelled against the national government. Soon, Federal forces under General Antonio López de Santa Anna were making their way to Zacatecas with the intention of quelling the revolt. On May 11, 1835, the Zacatecas militia, under the command of Francisco Garcia, was defeated at the Battle of Guadalupe by Santa Anna’s forces. Soon after this victory, Santa Anna's forces ransacked the city of Zacatecas and the rich silver mines at Fresnillo.

In addition to seizing large quantities of Zacatecan silver, Santa Anna instigated a political punishment against the State of Zacatecas for its mutiny. Less than two weeks later, on May 23, 1835, the Mexican Congress declared the formation of the Territory of Aguascalientes, separating the territory from Zacatecas and setting in motion a process that would eventually lead to statehood. The loss of Aguascalientes and its rich agricultural terrain would be a severe blow to the economy and the spirit of Zacatecas.

However, many citizens of Aguascalientes are proud to point out a more romantic version of the events leading to autonomy and independence from Zacatecas. According to Tony Burton in his book, Western Mexico: A Traveler’s Treasury, "The independence of Aguascalientes was sealed with a kiss, as the locals are invariably quick to point out." As he was engaged in his campaign against the rebellious Zacatecas government, General Santa Anna met one Doña María Luisa Villa. Legend has it that Santa Anna became captivated by this attractive woman and asked her for a kiss, promising her anything she wanted in return. Her request was that her native land be given autonomy. Santa Anna fulfilled this request, granting Aguascalientes the status of territory. María Luisa’s husband, Pedro García Rojas, was appointed as the first Gobernador (Governor) of the Territory of Aguascalientes, serving until June 1836.

Santa Anna had his own date with destiny. After putting down the Zacatecas revolt, the General made his way north to end another revolt in the northern Mexican state of Texas. Months later, on Feb. 26, 1836, Santa Anna’s forces attacked and seized control of the Alamo in San Antonio, Texas. Two months later, on April 21, he was defeated and captured by General Houston at the Battle of San Jacinto.

On May 21, 1847, the Mexican National Congress decreed that Aguascalientes would be reintegrated as a part of the state of Zacatecas. But, on Dec. 10, 1853, Aguascalientes was once again granted independence from Zacatecas and elevated to the rank of a Department. Finally, on February 5, 1857, the Federal Constitution of the Mexican Republic was given the title El Estado Libre y Soberano de Aguascalientes (Free and Sovereign State of Aguascalientes).

Today, Aguascalientes – located near the geographic center of Mexico – remains an important part of the Mexican economy. The state has highway and rail communications networks that link Aguascalientes to many of Mexico’s major cities. This easy access to markets across the country has played a major role in stimulating the economy of Aguascalientes.

The State has had a long-standing tradition in both agriculture and industry, with special emphasis on textiles, wine, brandy and food processing. In recent years, companies such as Nissan, Xerox, and Texas Instruments have established manufacturing facilities in the State, brining about increased production of automobiles, metal, mechanical products, and electronics.

Aguascalientes is also recognized as an important cultural center in Mexico. La Feria de San Marcos, celebrated in late April and early May of each year, is famous throughout the nation. The festival lasts for 22 days and features a wide array of cultural and popular events that draws up to a million tourists annually.

Aguascalientes is a state that is rich in culture, history, art and economic potential. Many Mexican Americans look to Aguascalientes as their ancestral homeland, as the State has been sending large numbers of its citizens north for the last hundred years. Today, Mexican Americans and citizens of Aguascalientes are intrigued and fascinated by the cultural and artistic lure of this beautiful state.


Alcalá Lopez, Efraín. Aguascalientes: Historia y Geografía: Tercer Grado. México, D.F.: Secretaría Educación Pública, 1995.

Burton, Tony. Western Mexico: A Traveler’s Treasury. 3rd edition. St. Augustine, Florida: Perception Press, 2001.

Gerhard, Peter. The North Frontier of New Spain. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1982.


Powell, Philip Wayne. Soldiers, Indians and Silver: North America’s First Frontier War. Tempe, Arizona: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1975.


Rojas, Beatriz et al. Breve Historia de Aguascalientes. Mexico, D.F.: Colegio de México, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994.

González, Agustín R., Historia del estado de Aguascalientes. Mexico: V. Villada, 1881.

Are you seeking help for researching in Northern Mexico contact the president of the 
Sociedad Genealogica del Norte de Mexico.  

MONTEMORELOS, Nuevo Leon, Mexico
Parroquia de San Mateo - 1789 pages


Benicio Samuel Sanchez Garcia
Presidente de la Sociedad Genealogica del Norte de Mexico

* Si necesitas informacion Genealogica enviame:
1. Una Copia de tu Cuadro Genealogico O bien un GEDCOM
2. Detalles de las lineas a investigar
3. Detalles de la Investigacion que haz hecho
4. Enviame un sobre con cupones internacionales que consigues en tu servicio postal local (estampillas internacionales) y un sobre con tu direccion escrita a la direccion que aparece abajo.
5. Si quieres CHATEAR conmigo usa el messenger de msn y agregame en tus contactos:

If need Genealogical Data please send me:
1. A Copy of your pedigree chart or Gedcom file
2. Details on those lines that need work
3. Details on research that has already been done on those lines that need work. (Send only copies of your documents. DO NOT SEND ORIGINALS.)
4. Self addressed, stamped return envelope, or one with international reply coupon(s) if you do not live in Mexico.
5. If you like add me in your contacts for a MSN CHAT SESSION:

Send your request to:
Benicio Samuel Sanchez
Rancho San Javier 109
Nueva Aurora
Guadalupe, Nuevo Leon
67190 Mexico
Office Phone (81) 8387-5400 Ext. 110





Genealogía, República Dominicana
Jose Marti
The History of Panama
Cuban Food
Slave Trade Cuba, 1790-1820

Proyecto Genealógico Raíces de QUISQUEYA  (QUISQUEYA Roots, Genealogic Project)


Nota: Estoy proporcionando la información en esta página de la Genealogía de la República Dominicana en el CaribbeanGenWeb, solamente con el fin de fomentar y ayudar la investigación de los ancestros y descendientes de familias interesadas . La información contenida aquí no se debe usar para la redistribución ni para ningún uso comercial. Debemos entender también que no todas las informaciones aportadas por las familias  y colaboradores  han sido verificadas con todo el rigor necesario. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido las informaciones aportadas por los propios interesados, amigos colaboradores cercanos, consultas a las obras Familias Dominicanas, del Dr. Carlos Vicente Larrazabal Blanco; Bani: Raices Historicas, del Dr. Vetilio Manuel Valera Valdez y otras  obras sobre genealogía . En la medida que ha sido posible se han dado los créditos a los aportes. En caso de que alguien crea que se han omitido los mismos, favor hacérnoslo saber para indicarlos. El trabajo de preparación en formato genealógico de las informaciones suministradas y  hacer posible la puesta y acceso de la base de datos en Internet ha sido realizado por Marcos Heriberto Hernandez Brea .

El árbol familiar no crece, a menos que se le eche agua. Primos, cojan sus latica-mails  y envíennos sus colaboraciónes . Para Nuevas o Adicionales Colaboraciones  Familiares, Sugerencias o Quejas enviarlas a
Índice General
Páginas de Familia, Lista de apellidos
Páginas de Ascendientes, con Lista de apellidos
Páginas de Descendencia, Lista de apellidos
Información del Coordinador de la Base de Datos

Nombre: Marcos Heriberto Hernandez Brea
Dirección: P.O.BOX 723-2
Santo Domingo, Republica Dominicana
Página Principal:

Jose Marti  1853-1895
Jose Marti by Carlos Ripoll

Jose Marti was born in Havana in 1853. At seventeen he was exiled to Spain for his opposition to colonial rule. There he published a pamphlet exposing the horrors of political imprisonment in Cuba, which he himself had experienced. Upon graduating from the University of Saragossa, he established himself in Mexico City, where he began his literary career. His objection to a regime installed by a military coup led him to depart for Guatemala, but government abuses forced him to abandon that country as well. In 1878 he returned to Cuba under a general amnesty, but he conspired against the Spanish authorities and again was banished. He fled exile in Spain and came to the United States.

After a year in New York he left for Venezuela, where he hoped to settle, but yet another dictatorship forced him to depart. Marti went back to New York where he lived from 1881 to 1895. In that year, he left to join the war for Cuban independence which he had so painstakingly organized. There he died in one of its first skirmishes. Jose Marti is considered one of the great writers of the Hispanic world. His significance for the American Reader, however, stems from the universality and timelessness of his thought. Marti devoted his life to ending colonial rule in Cuba and to preventing the island from falling under the control of any country (including the United States) whose political ideologies were inimical to the principles he held. With those goals, and with the conviction that the freedom of the Caribbean was crucial to Latin American security and to the balance of power in the world, he devoted his talents to the forging of a nation. Thus, the scope of his work: he was a revolutionary, a guide, and more importantly, a mentor. His vast experience and education enabled him to move comfortably in the most diverse fields, which is what makes his teachings so rich to us indeed. Insofar as Marti believed that freedom and justice should be the cornerstones of any government, one has only to read his work and learn of the struggle that he took up freely. He could never accept the curtailment of the natural expansiveness of the human spirit, for truly he believed that man's redemption would come through love and unfettered reason. Therefore, his doctrines are, and must be, at odds with the totalitarian dogma that has existed in Cuba since its unfortunate demise. All of Marti's teachings contradict that political system which never fails to demonstrate its intolerance towards individual freedom and it's love of its own materialistic empowerment.  For this reason, the publication of Marti's thoughts, in all its force, is of the greatest importance today. His beliefs, which can guide democracies and if heeded, offer them greater security, speak more eloquently against the Cuban apostasy than all the accusations that others might make. 

The History of Panama
Sent by John Inclan 

En octubre del año 2001, se cumplió 500 años de la llegada de los españoles al Istmo de Panamá. Este medio milenio de historia común, lejos de constituir un triunfo o una derrota, significó nuestro nacimiento como pueblo que intenta encontrar su destino. Por ello, dedicamos este esfuerzo en resumir en unas cuantas líneas, nuestra historia como nación.  

Con orgullo de panameño, presentamos al mundo, este aporte de sobre nuestra Historia Nacional.
La melodia que escucha de fondo, se inspira en la poesía " Patria"  del poeta panameño 
  La interpretación en órgano es del músico AVELINO MUÑOZ

Cuban Food
Authentic Cuban Recipes

Slave Trade to Havana, Cuba, 1790-1820
Compiled by Herbert S. Klein, Columbia University, New York
Sent by Johanna De Soto

This site provides access to the raw data and documentation which contains information on slave trade to Havana, Cuba, 1790-1820. Specifically, the data file contains information on the Cuban port of arrival, date of arrival, type of ship, nationality of ship, number of slaves landed, African sailing date, slave mortality, number of slaves by sex, name and captain of ship.




Spain's Patriots digitized online!!
New Book: Profound Crossroads
De Cartaya  
El Apellido ORAMAS
Hurtado, de San Juan Del Puerto
Datos biograficos de Alberto Casas
Archivos Eclesiasticos Espanoles


The Complete text of Granville and N.C. Hough's research are now online for the following studies:


New Book:
Profound Crossroads  

by Anthony Ramos

Born in Wilmington, Del., Ramos grew up in Brooklyn, N.Y. A Product of the City University of New York, he developed a passion for history and Spanish heraldry. His research in the subjects led to his debut novel, Profound Crossroads. He now lives in the Pocono Mountains with his wife and three children.
Hello Ms. Lozano:

First, I want to thank you for reading my and email and for replying. Profound Crossroads is my first published work. Professionally I am an Insurance Auditor. My passion for writing began at age eleven but as "old world" parents would have it they convinced me there was more money in being a professional accountant. So I listened and became an accountant. However my love of writing continued to stir in the depths of soul, burning like an eternal fire, never dampening, never faltering. I love history and I love to write, and so I delved into Spanish heraldry and Spanish history with such alacrity and determination that I had enough data with which to write my first novel. At first I was merely researching Spanish history and had no intentions of writing a novel. But I stumbled upon certain, near cataclysmic, events that occurred in Spain in the year 844, which gave me the idea of writing a fictional story. Though the main story line is fiction the peripheral events are all historically accurate. Before I put pen to paper, I spent eleven months not only researching Spanish history but fundamentlal Christianity, Islam and Judaism.

I'm happy that you picked up "elcid", it shows your historical knowledge. The answer to your question is no, I'm not related to Rodrigo de Vivar a/k/a El CId. I'm just enamored with the legend of Mio Cid, that I read the book a few times.

Profound Crossroads is a story containing elements of love, intrigue, betrayal and personal achievements despite overwhelming odds. In Profound Crossroads, three of the world's major religions converge and through normal, everyday people a common goal is attained. The story is about the choices people make and the consequences of their decisions. Filled with action and adventure, Profound Crossroads is a prelude of the clash in religious ideologies that would lead to the Christian Crusades two hundred years later.

I know I've said quite a bit, but as a writer I can't help it. I ask that you forgive me. Please let me know if I can help you with anything else.

Once again, I thank you very, very, very, very much!
Regards,  Anthony Ramos - VIVA SOMOS PRIMOS!!!!!!!

Review of Profound Crossroads
Christian Fights Moors, Deception to Find Peace and Love in New Novel

In A.D. 844, a young man must fight to end a war between Christians and Muslims that he hates, and deception creeps at every turn. Anthony Ramos takes readers to Spain to examine the age-old rift between the two dominant religions in his new book, Profound Crossroads (now available through AuthorHouse).

The Moors, Berber Muslims from North Africa, have held dominion over Spain for than 130 years.

The Christians have fled to the outlying mountains where their bewildered kings have tried to reclaim their country without success. Eusebio Ferrandez is a young, devout Christian captain. After his mother's death, he is raised by his father, Juan, and Father Ignacio de Torres. A seasoned warrior and participant in many battles, Eusebio has grown tired of the brutal fighting that contradicts God's principles and longs to know more about the Moors.

He hopes to find peace in the arms of his bride-to-be, Genara, the daughter of a Roman count and the love of his life. His father is happy about the marriage, but Father Ignacio stiffly opposes it. The priest harbors horrid personal feelings for the Romans due to quarrel long in the past. When word comes that Danes are planning to attack Seville, the Christian King sees an opportunity to defeat the Moors. To make sure an attack will take place in Seville, the King asks for a volunteer to see if the emir is sending his troops to meet the Danes. Days before his wedding, Eusebio volunteers to undertake this deadly scouting mission. Ignacio, who sees this as a way to dissuade him from marrying Genara and instead take the hand of Catalina, the priest's niece, enacts a heinous conspiracy plot to perhaps destroy all hope for the Christians from the north.

As the Moors meet the mighty Danes in battle, they must also confront the invading Christians from the north.  Meanwhile, Ignacio places Eusebio in the line of fire. He must face Profound Crossroads if he is ever to know peace.

AuthorHouse is the world leader in publishing and print-on-demand services. Founded in 1997, AuthorHouse has helped more than 20,000 people worldwide become published authors. For more information, visit

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Odiel Información-Edición dia 26 de noviembre de 2004


Hoy 26 de noviembre, hace quinientos años que murió en Medina del Campo, la Reina Isabel de Castilla, casada con Fernando de Aragón y que son conocidos en la historia de España, como los Reyes Católicos.

Era Isabel hija de Juan II de Castilla y de su segunda esposa Isabel de Portugal y recibió una esmerada educación propia de la realeza de sus familias.

Según los historiadores de la época, era rubia y de ojos de un color azul-verdoso, de facciones serenas y prudente en su trato, aunque enérgica y con mucho carácter. La primera prueba de su carácter fue cuando, llamada a la corte de Segovia por su hermano, el rey Enrique IV, consigue vivir en casa propia e independiente de las intrigas cortesanas.

Después, se enfrenta a los deseos de su hermano y tras rechazar numerosos pretendientes, contrajo matrimonio con Fernando de Aragón y de Sicilia. A la muerte de su hermano Enrique es coronada en Segovia como reina de Castilla y León y jura fidelidad a la Iglesia Católica y se compromete a respetar la libertad y la justicia, cuenta con el apoyo del Papa Alejandro VI y con la ayuda e su confesor, el franciscano Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, que después fue Arzobispo de Toledo

Durante su reinado logró la expulsión de los árabes del Reino de Granada y a los franceses del Reino de Nápoles. Consiguieron que el Papa Sixto IV creara la Inquisición en Castilla y sin duda la mas importante fue el apoyo a Cristóbal Colon para emprender la aventura que culminó con el Descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo.

Aunque no nos consta que nunca estuviese en Huelva, si fue la mas firme ayuda para el viaje descubridor y por ello la consideramos ligada a nuestra tierra.

Angel Custodio Rebollo.


Edición 3 de diciembre de 2004

De Cartaya

Fueron muchos los naturales de la actual provincia de Huelva que emprendieron la aventura americana, en esta zona habían buenos marineros que conocían muy bien el manejo de los barcos que hacían la travesía del Atlántico. Fueron muchos los que marcharon y unos volvieron, otros se quedaron a vivir en aquellas tierras y también fueron muchos los que murieron, dejando aquí a su familia.

Hoy he revisado los datos que poseo sobre los naturales o vecinos de Cartaya, para sacar a la luz los nombres de algunos de ellos que hoy día, salvo escasas excepciones, permanecen olvidados.

En 1591, Francisco Martín, natural de Cartaya, murió en Riobamba, con testamento, y dejó por herederos a sus padres y muertos estos que se fundase una capellanía en su patria.

En 1578, una vecina de Cartaya, Catalina de los Ríos  pidió licencia para pasar a Nueva España, con sus hijos Rodrigo y Ana (habidos de su matrimonio con Domingo González) y su criada Leonor Martín.

Los defectos que se producían en aquellos tiempos en las documentaciones que se emitían, hacen, por ejemplo, que en las listas de pasajeros a Indias Francisco Vázquez , hijo de Juan Vázquez y Beatriz Martín, vecinos de Cartaya, figure que partió para el Nuevo Mundo el 20 de julio de 1512 y  también el 15 de marzo de 1513.

Juan Esteban, hijo de García Sánchez y Ana Jiménez, vecinos de Higuera de la Sierra y que estaba casado con Margarita Báez, falleció en Dulce Nombre de Jesús (Nueva Granada) dejando por herederos a Diego Jiménez, presbítero, cura de Cartaya y Maria y Catalina Jiménez, vecinas de Moguer, todos hijos del difunto.

                                       Angel Custodio Rebollo Barroso

El Apellido ORAMAS 

A beautifully written story of one of the ancient heros of the Canary Islands, a chief named Doramas, how his name has come down to us in the 21st century.
Sent by Paul Newfield

Hace varios siglos, en unas islas situadas en medio del Atlántico, que los antiguos les decían las Afortunadas y también de las Hespérides, vivían unos hombres de raza blanca, venidos no se sabe de donde, ni cuando, ni por que......

     Vivían pacíficamente, tenían ganados, cultivaban la tierra, adoraban a las fuerzas de la naturaleza; se reproducían, vivían y morían en aquellas idílicas tierras.

     De vez en cuando se acercaban a sus costas otros hombres procedentes de lugares distantes, en actitud poco amistosa, que trataban de  engañarles, de robarles y de hacerles daño; luego se volvían a marchar con el botín capturado, por lo que siempre había que estar vigilantes ante esa amenaza.

     Sin embargo, hubo un momento de su historia en que arribaron a aquellas tierras muchos hombres, también de raza blanca; traían muchas armas y caballos y venían con el ánimo de arrebatarles lo que hasta ahora había sido suyo, sus tierras, sus dioses, sus ganados, su libertad; además, pretendían quedarse a vivir en aquellos lugares.

     Los naturales lucharon bravamente para impedirlo, derramaron su sangre, muchos fueron tomados como esclavos, sufrieron, perdieron, murieron o se rindieron. Aunque muchos nunca lo aceptaron y en ello les fue la vida, una gran mayoría hubo de plegarse a las nuevas costumbres, a los nuevos dioses, a los nuevos señores.

     Impotentes ante su destino, no les quedó otra solución que mezclarse con los recién llegados, aceptar sus dioses, sus costumbres, su lengua, dando lugar a una nueva raza portadora de los genes de ambos pueblos.

     La cultura de los vencedores se sobrepuso a la de los vencidos, quedando ésta en buena parte olvidada, ahogada, preterida, al igual que su idioma. Entre las cosas que perduraron figuran algunas costumbres, nombres, topónimos, utensilios, etc.

     Uno de esos nombres fue el de DORAMAS, que así se llamaba un gran caudillo aborigen que murió heroicamente luchando por su tierra y que ha dado apelativo a unas quince generaciones de sus descendientes. Ello les recuerda que una parte de sus orígenes está en aquella indómita raza que en siglos pasados habitó en aquellas míticas tierras en medio del Atlántico, a cuyas orillas vive la mayoría de los que hoy llevan ese apellido, ORAMAS.

     Veamos como ha tenido lugar el origen y leyenda de esa historia............


Melchor Hurtado, Emigrantes de San Juan Del Puerto 

Odiel Información.Huelva.Edición 24 de diciembre de 2004

En  octubre escribí sobre unos emigrantes de San Juan Del Puerto que marcharon a la aventura de América, siendo el primero Melchor Hurtado, hijo de Francisco Hurtado y Juana de la Cueva, y que fue como criado del clérigo Miguel Serra, en la expedición del Dominico Fray Tomás de San Martín, con destino a Charcas donde Fray Tomas se haría cargo del Arzobispado.

Poco tiempo después, el 24 de abril de 1561, su hermano Rodrigo Hurtado fue a Santo Domingo y otro hermano, Cristóbal de Ayala, hijo también del mismo matrimonio, el 13 de mayo de 1566 partió con destino a Honduras.

Rodrigo volvió años después y el 13 de agosto de 1580, marchó hacia Perú, pero no fue solo, ya que le acompañaban como criados, Diego de la Barrera, también de San Juan del Puerto, hijo de Rodrigo de la Barrera e Inés de Ayala, y Francisco de Medina, soltero, hijo de Jerónimo de Anunzibay y de Inés Prieto, también de San Juan.

Al cabo de unos diez años, Rodrigo Hurtado vino de nuevo, creemos que para algún asunto familiar y estuvo por aquí hasta el 22 de junio de 1594, que marchó con destino a Charcas, pero ya como Escribano de Cámara de la Audiencia y esta vez tampoco fue solo, pues llevó como criado a Charcas a otro joven de San Juan, llamado Francisco Muñiz, el hijo de Bartolomé Sánchez y de Marina Beltrán.

No he podido averiguar todavía, aunque estoy en ello, si Rodrigo Hurtado hizo mas viajes, aunque sus obligaciones como Escribano de Cámara de la Audiencia de Charcas lo retendría en tierras americanas y supongo que allí vería sus últimos días.

Mi deseo de encontrar en San Juan del Puerto algún lejano descendiente de esta familia, no me ha dado resultado positivo alguno.

                                   Custodio Rebollo.

Juan Ponce de León, Datos biograficos de Alberto Casas, te los detallo a continuación:

ALBERTO CASAS RODRIGUEZ, natural de Huelva, Capitán de la Marina Mercante Española e Historiador. Además de numerosos articulos en prensa española y extranjera, y conferencias especialmente sobre temas relacionados con el mar y los descubrimientos, ha publicado dos libros: En 1998, EL NAUFRAGIO DE LA NAO SANTA MARIA (¿UN FRAUDE A LA HISTORIA?) y en 2002, MIGUEL DE CERVANTES. LA CIENCIA DE LOS MARINEROS Y EL ARTE DE NAVEGAR.

Archivos Eclesiasticos Espanoles
Sent by Paul Newfield

Direcciones y teléfonos de los Archivos Eclesiásticos Españoles, extraidas de la "Guía de los Archivos y las Bibliotecas de la Iglesia en España", publicada por la Asociación Española de Archiveros Eclesiásticos en 1985.

Si llaman desde fuera de España recuerden sustituir el 9 inicial por el código internacional + 34

If you call from outside Spain remember not to dial 9 but your international calling code + 34



Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Albacete. C/ Salamanca 14. 02001 Albacete. Tf. 967214478

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Albarracín. Plaza de la Seo 2. Albarracín (Teruel). Tf. 974602067

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Albarracín. Plaza de la Seo 1. Albarracín (Teruel). Tf. 974602067

Archivo Catedralicio de Almería. Plaza de la Catedral. 04001 Almería. Tf. 951234848

Archivo de la Curia Diocesana de Almería. Plaza de la Catedral. 04001 Almeria. Tf. 951235630

Archivo Capitular de Astorga. C/ Doctor Mérida Pérez 1. Astorga (León). Tf. 987615820

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Astorga. C/ Doctor Mérida Pérez 1. Astorga (León). Tf. 987615820

Archivo Catedralico de Avila. C/ San Segundo. 05001 Avila. Tf. 918211641

Archivo Diocesano de Avila. Avenida de la Inmaculada 1. 05005 Avila. Tf. 918220192

Archivo de la Catedral de Badajoz. Plaza de San Juan. 06002 Badajoz. Tf. 924221596

Archivo Capitular de Barbastro. Catedral. Barbastro (Huesca). Tf. 974311867

Archivo Diocesano de Barbastro. Plaza Palacio 1. Barbastro (Huesca). Tf. 974310697

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Barcelona. Plaza de la Seu. Catedral. 08002 Barcelona. Tf. 933153156

Archivo Diocesano de Barcelona. C/ Obispo Irurita 5. Palacio Arzobispal. 08002 Barcelona. Tf. 933183031

Archivo Histórico de los Franciscanos de Cataluña. C/ Santaló 80. Convento de Sant Antoni. 08021 Barcelona. Tf. 932092388

Archivo de la Abadía de Montserrat. Abadía de Montserrat. Montserrat (Barcelona). Tf. 938350251

Archivo del Palau Requesens (Compañía de Jesús). C/ Llaseres 30. Centro Borja. San Cugat del Vallés (Barcelona). Tf. 936741150

Archivo Provincial de los Capuchinos de Cataluña. C/ Cardenal Vives i Trutó 2-16. Capuchinos de Sarriá. 08034 Barcelona. Tf. 932043458

Archivo Provincial de la Escuela Pía de Cataluña. Ronda de Sant Pau 80-2. 08001 Barcelona. Tf. 932410004

Archivo Histórico Eclesiástico de Vizcaya. Seminario Diocesano Derio. 48016 Vizcaya. Tf. 944533166

Archivo de la Catedral de Bilbao.

Archivo de la Curia Diocesana de Bilbao. C/ Virgen de Begoña s/n. 48006 Bilbao (Vizcaya). Tf. 944472500

Archivo de la Catedral de Burgos. Catedral. Burgos. Tf. 947204712

Archivo Diocesano de Burgos. Palacio Arzobispal. Burgos. Tf. 947208440

Archivo del Real Monasterio de Santo Domingo de Guzmán de Caleruega. Monasterio de Santo Domingo. Caleruega (Burgos)

Archivo de la Abadía Benedictina de Santo Domingo de Silos. Abadía. Santo Domingo de Silos (Burgos). Tf. 947380768

Archivo del Convento de Nuestra Señora del Espino de Vivar. Monasterio de Ntra. Sra. del Espino. Vivar del Cid (Burgos)

Archivo del Convento de Santa Clara de Burgos. Monasterio de Santa Clara (MM. Clarisas). Burgos.

Archivo del Convento de Santa Dorotea de Burgos. Convento de Santa Dorotea. Burgos.

Archivo Monástico de San Pedro de Medina. C/ Laín Calvo 65. Medina de Pomar (Burgos). Tf. 947110095

Archivo Silveriano de la Provincia Carmelitana O.C.D. Burgense. Paseo del Empecinado 1. 09001 Burgos. Tf. 947209445

Archivo Catedralicio de Cádiz. C/ Arquitecto Acero s/n. 11005 Cádiz. Tf. 956276184

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Cádiz. C/ Obispo Calvo y Valero 26. Cádiz. Tf. 956223563

Archivo Parroquial de Santa Cruz de Cádiz (Catedral Vieja). Plaza de Fray Félix s/n. Cádiz. Tf. 956287704

Archivo Parroquial de Santa María La Coronada de Medina Sidonia. Plaza de la Iglesia Mayor 2. Cádiz. Tf. 956410329

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Calahorra. Catedral. Calahorra (La Rioja). Tf. 941131251

Archivo de la Catedral de Santo Domingo de la Calzada. Catedral. Santo Domingo de la Calzada (La Rioja). Tf. 941340033

Archivo de la Catedral de Santa Maria de la Redonda (Logroño). C/ Portales 14. Logroño (La Rioja). Tf. 941223087

Archivo de la Catedral de Canarias. Plaza de Santa Ana s/n. 35001 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria. Tf. 928364859

Archivo Catedralicio de Murcia. Plaza Belluga. Murcia. Tf. 968216344

Archivo del Obispado de Cartagena-Murcia. Palacio Episcopal. Murcia. Tf. 968211669

Archivo Catedralicio de Ceuta. Plaza de Africa s/n. Ceuta. Tf. 956511441

Archivo Diocesano de Ceuta. Plaza de Africa s/n. Ceuta. Tf. 956519659

Archivo Capitular de Ciudad Real. Paseo del Prado s/n. Catedral. 13001 Ciudad Real. Tf. 926212564

Archivo Diocesano de Ciudad Real. C/ Caballeros 7. 13001 Ciudad Real. Tf. 926250250

Archivo Diocesano de Ciudad Rodrigo. C/ Díaz Taravilla 13. Ciudad Rodrigo (Salamanca). Tf. 923460843

Archivo de la Catedral de Ciudad Rodrigo. Catedral. Ciudad Rodrigo (Salamanca). Tf. 923460061

Archivo Capitular de Coria-Cáceres. Plaza de Santa María s/n. Catedral. 10003 Cáceres. Tf. 927221275

Archivo Capitular de Cuenca. Plaza Mayor de Pío XII. 16001 Cuenca. Tf. 966220213

Archivo Diocesano de Cuenca. C/ Obispo Valero 2. Palacio Episcopal. 16001 Cuenca. Tf. 966212461

Archivo Catedralicio de Girona. Plaza de la Catedral s/n. Catedral. 17004 Girona. Tf. 972214426

Archivo Diocesano de Girona. C/ Bellmirall 2-1o. 17004 Girona. Tf. 972214426

Archivo Diocesano de Granada. Palacio Arzobispal (Curia Diocesana). Granada. Tf. 958263224

Archivo de la Catedral de Granada. C/ Gran Vía 2. 18010 Granada. Tf. 958222959

Archivo Diocesano y Capitular de Guadix-Baza. Palacio Episcopal (Curia Diocesana). Guadix (Granada). Tf. 958660800

Archivo Diocesano de Huelva. Avenida Manuel Siurot 31. Palacio Episcopal. Apartado 144. 21002 Huelva. Tf. 955252100

Archivo de la Catedral de Huesca. Plaza de la Catedral s/n. 22002 Huesca. Tf. 974222584

Archivo Histórico de la Pabordia de Ibiza. Plaza de la Catedral 1. Ibiza (Baleares). Tf. 971303724

Archivo Diocesano de Huesca. C/ Obispo 5. Jaca (Huesca). Tf. 974361841

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Jaen. Plaza de Santa María s/n. Catedral. 23002 Jaén. Tf. 953257167

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Jaén. Plaza de Satnta María s/n. Catedral. 23002 Jaén. Tf. 953257157

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Jerez de la Frontera. C/ Eguiluz 8. Jerez de la Frontera (Cádiz). Tf. 956338800

Archivo Capitular de la Real Colegiata de San Isidoro. Plaza de San Isidoro 4. (Apartado 126). 24003 León. Tf. 987236600

Archivo Catedralicio de León. Catedral. León. Tf. 987230060

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de León. Plaza de Regla 6. Obispado. 24003 León. Tf. 987257921

Archivo Capitular de Lleida. Plaza del Almudín Vell 1. Catedral. 25007 Lleida. Tf. 973222028

Archivo Diocesano de Lleida. C/ Bisbe s/n. (Apartat num. 29) Lleida. Tf. 973268628

Archivo Central Parroquial Diocesano de Lugo. Plaza de Santa María s/n. Obispado. 27001 Lugo. Tf. 982231143

Archivo Diocesano de Lugo. Plaza de Santa María 1. 27001 Lugo. Tf. 982231143

Archivo de la Catedral de Lugo. Plaza de Santa María s/n. 27001 Lugo.

Archivo del Monasterio de Samos. Monasterio. Samos (Lugo). Tf. 982546046

Archivo del Monasterio de San Vicente del Pino de Monforte. Monasterio de San Vicente. Monforte (Lugo).

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Madrid. C/ Colegiata 5. 28012 Madrid. Tf. 912275346

Archivo Diocesano de Madrid-Alcalá. C/ de la Pasa 3. 28005 Madrid. Tf. 912665916

Archivo de la Secretaria del Arzobispado de Madrid-Alcalá. C/ Bailén 8. 28013 Madrid.

Archivo de la Conferencia Episcopal Española. C/ Añastro 1. 280033 Madrid. Tf. 917665500

Archivo General de las Religiosas del Amor de Dios. C/ Asura 90. 28043 Madrid. Tf. 912001746

Archivo Provincial Histórico de Toledo de la Compañía de Jesús. Colegio de S. Ignacio. Campo del Angel. Apartado 10. Alcalá de Henares (Madrid). Tf. 918881400

Archivo Catedralicio de Málaga. Plaza del Obispo 1. 29015 Málaga. Tf. 952219786

Archivo Diocesano de Málaga. Plaza del Obispo 6. 29015 Málaga.

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Mallorca. Plaza de la Catedral s/n. Catedral. Palma de Mallorca (Baleares). Tf. 971462524

Archivo Diocesano del Obispado de Mallorca. C/ Mirador 5. Palacio Episcopal. Apartado de Correos 26. 07001 Palma de Mallorca (Baleares). Tf. 971714063

Archivo Capitular de Menorca. C/ José María Quadrado 42. Ciutadela de Menorca (Baleares). Tf. 971380739

Archivo Diocesano de Menorca. C/ Obispo Torres. Ciutadella de Menorca (Baleares). Tf. 971380343

Archivo de la Catedral de Mondoñedo. Plaza de España s/n. Mondoñedo (Lugo). Tf. 982521908

Archivo Diocesano de Mondoñedo. Plaza de España 8. Mondoñedo (Lugo). Tf. 982521006

Archivo de la Catedral de Orense. Catedral. Orense.

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Orense. C/ General Franco 44. 32003 Orense. Tf. 988220158

Archivo de la Catedral de Orihuela. C/ Mayor. Catedral. Orihuela (Alacant). Tf. 965300638

Archivo Capitular de Osma-Soria. Plaza de S. Pedro 1. Burgo de Osma (Soria). Tf. 975340288

Archivo Diocesano de Osma-Soria. Palacio Episcopal. Burgo de Osma (Soria). Tf. 975340014

Archivo Capitular de Oviedo. Plaza de Alonso II s/n. Catedral. 33003 Oviedo (Asturias). Tf. 985216716

Archivo Diocesano de la Curia de Oviedo. Corrada del Obispo. Palacio Arzobispal. 33003 Oviedo (Asturias). Tf. 985215611

Archivo del Monasterio Benedictino de San Pelayo. C/ de S. Vicente 11. Monasterio de San Pelayo. 33003 Oviedo (Asturias). Tf. 985218981

Archivo del Seminario Metropolitano de Oviedo. Prado Picón s/n. Seminario Metropolitano. 33008 Oviedo (Asturias). Tf. 985220897

Archivo de la Biblioteca Asturiana del Colegio de la Inmaculada de Gijón. Hermanos Felgueroso 25. Apartado 425. Gijón (Asturias). Tf. 985394011

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Oviedo. Corrada del Obispo s/n. Palacio Arzobispal. 33003 Oviedo (Asturias). Tf. 985216161

Archivo de la Catedral de Palencia. Catedral. Palencia. Tf. 988723665

Archivo Diocesano de Palencia. C/ General Mola s/n. 34005 Palencia. Tf. 988745900

Archivo de la Catedral de Pamplona. C/ Dormilatería 5. 31001 Pamplona (Navarra). Tf. 948227950

Archivo Diocesano de Pamplona. Plaza de Santa María la Real s/n. Arzobispado. 31001 Pamplona (Navarra). Tf. 948227400

Archivo Catedralicio de Plasencia. Plaza de la Catedral s/n. Catedral. Plasencia (Cáceres). Tf. 927414852

Archivo Diocesano de Plasencia. Palacio Episcopal. Plasencia (Cáceres). Tf. 927411549

Archivo Catedralicio de Salamanca. C/ Pla y Deniel s/n. Catedral Vieja. Salamanca. Tf. 923216422

Archivo Diocesano de Salamanca. C/ Iscar Peyra 26. 27002 Salamanca. Tf. 923218205

Archivo Histórico Escolapio. Paseo de Canalejas 129-137 3o. Apartado 206. 37001 Salamanca. Tf. 923243861

Archivo Diocesano de San Sebastián. Paseo Hériz s/n. Apartado 314. Seminario. 20008 San Sebastián (Guipúzcoa). Tf. 943214987

Archivo de la Catedral de Santander. Plaza del Obispo Eguino s/n. Santander. Tf. 942222800

Archivo Diocesano General Concentrado de Santander. Santillana del Mar (Santander). Tf. 942818004

Archivo de la Catedral de Santiago de Compostela. S.A.M.I. Catedral. Santiago de Compostela (La Coruña)

Archivo del Monasterio de San Pelayo. C/ Ante Altares 23. Santiago de Compostela (La Coruña). Tf. 981583127

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Santiago de Compostela. Plaza de la Inmaculada 5. Santiago de Compostela (La Coruña). Tf. 981583884

Archivo de la Catedral de Segorbe. Catedral. Segorbe (Castelló de la Plana). Tf. 964321006

Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia. Catedral. Segovia. Tf. 911414307

Archivo Capitular de Sevilla. Avenida de la Constitución s/n. 41001 Sevilla. Tf. 954214971

Archivo General del Arzobispado de Sevilla. Plaza Virgen de los Reyes s/n. Palazio Arzobispal. 41004 Sevilla. Tf. 954228115

Archivo de la S.I. Catedral de Sigüenza (Guadalajara). Catedral. Sigüenza (Guadalajara).

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Sigüenza. C/ Villaviciosa s/n. Obispado. Sigüenza (Guadalajara). Tf. 949390288

Archivo de la Iglesia de Solsona. Palau Episcopal. Solsona (Lleida).

Archivo Capitular de Tarazona. S.I. Catedral. Tarazona (Zaragoza). Tf. 976641878

Archivo Diocesano de Tarazona. Plaza de Palacio s/n. Palacio Episcopal. Tarazona (Zaragoza). Tf. 976640907

Arxiu Capitular de la S.I. Catedral B. Metropolitana i Primada de Tarragona. Catedral. Tarragona. Tf. 977237373

Arxiu del Monestir de Poblet. Monestir de Poblet. Espluga de Francolí (Tarragona). Tf. 977870089

Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà de Tarragona. Palau Arquebisbal. Tarragona. Tf. 977233412

Archivo Diocesano de Tenerife. C/ S. Agustín 28. Palacio Episcopal. La Laguna (Tenerife). Tf. 922258640

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Teruel. Plaza General Mola s/n. Catedral. Teruel. Tf. 974602275

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Teruel. Plaza Venerable Francés de Aranda 1. 44001 Teruel. Tf. 974603144

Archivo Diocesano de Toledo. Palacio Arzobispal. 45002 Toledo. Tf. 925224100

Archivo y Biblioteca Capitulares de Toledo. Santa Iglesia Catedral Primada. 45002 Toledo. Tf. 925212423

Arxiu Capitular de la S.I. Catedral de Tortosa. Catedral. Tortosa (Tarragona). Tf. 977441641

Arxiu Diocesà de Tortosa. C/ Cruera 9. Palau Episcopal. Tortosa (Tarragona). Tf. 977440700

Archivo Histórico de la Arciprestal Basílica de Santa María la Mayor de Morella. Basílica Arciprestal. Morella (Castelló de la Plana).

Archivo de la Catedral de Tudela. Catedral. Tudela (Navarra).

Archivo de la Catedral de Tuy. Catedral. Tuy (Pontevedra). Tf. 986600869

Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Tuy. Plaza de S. Fernando s/n. Tuy (Pontevedra). Tf. 986600869

Arxiu Capitular de la Seu d'Urgell. Pati del Palau 5. Casa del Bisbat. La Seu d'Urgell (Lleida). Tf. 973350054

Arxiu Diocesà de la Seu d'Urgell. Pati del Palau 5. Casa del Bisbat. La Seu d'Urgell (Lleida). Tf. 973350054

Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Valencia. Plaza de l'Almoina s/n. 46003 Valencia. Tf. 963318127

Archivo del Real Colegio-Seminario de Corpus Christi (Patriarca). C/ de la Nau 1. Colegio-Seminario de Corpus Christi. 46003 Valencia. Tf. 963514176

Archivo Metropolitano de Valencia. C/ del Palau 2. Arzobispado. 46071 Valencia. Tf. 963322300

Archivo de la Catedral de Valladolid. C/ de Arribas s/n. Catedral. 47002 Valladolid. Tf. 983221040

Archivo Diocesano de Valladolid. C/ S. Juan de Dios 5. Arzobispado. Apartado 2. 47003 Valladolid. Tf. 983300929

Arxiu del Monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses. Placa de la Abadesa Emma. Monestir. Sant Joan de les Abadesses (Girona). Tf. 972720013

Arxiu de la Seu de Manresa. C/ Baixada de la Seu 3. Manresa (Barcelona). Tf. 938741458

Arxiu Eclesiàstic de Vic. C/ Santa Maria 1. Palau Episcopal. Vic (Barcelona). Tf. 938861555

Archivo Diocesano de Vitoria. C/ Fray zacarías Martínez 2. 01001 Vitoria (Alava). Tf. 945255044

Archivo Catedralicio de la Catedral de Zamora. Plaza Pío XII s/n. 49001 Zamora. Tf. 988514511

Archivo Capitular de la Seo de Zaragoza. Plaza de la Seo. 50001 Zaragoza.

Archivo Diocesano de Zaragoza. Plaza de la Seo 5. Arzobispado. 50001 Zaragoza. Tf. 976394800




Magellan's Voyage Around World
Cuadernos de Musica Salvadorena
 Educacion en la Colonia en 


Ferdinand Magellan - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sent by Bill Carmena . . who writes:
Diego Carmena on Crew of Majellan's Ship Victoria returning to Spain in 1522


These 18 men returned to Seville with the Victoria in 1522
Name Rating
Juan Sebastian de Elcano Master  
Francisco Albo Pilot  
Miguel de Rodas Pilot  
Juan de Acurio Pilot  
Antonio Pigafetta Supernumerary  
Martin de Judicibus Chief Steward  
Hernando de Bustamente Mariner  
Nicolas the Greek Mariner  
Miguel Sanchez Mariner  
Antonio Hernandez Colmenero Mariner  
Francisco Rodrigues Mariner  
Juan Rodrigues Mariner  
Diego Carmena Mariner  
Hans of Aachen Gunner  
Juan de Arratia Able Seaman  
Vasco Gomez Gallego Able Seaman  
Juan de Santandres Apprentice Seaman  
Juan de Zubelita Page  

Cuadernos de Musica Salvadorena
Sent by Jaime Cader
Interesting site that includes a catalog of musical compositions, and also a link to essays which seem to be mostly on topics dealing with the indigenous in El Salvador.


Diario El, Sabado
 Papel de la Educacion en la Colonia 
(I) y (II) 

Roberto Pérez Guadarrama 

 Papel de la educación en la Colonia (I) 
            Daniel Barreto Faure - Al mismo tiempo que se produce el poblamiento y se definen los confines territoriales de Trujillo, se van echando las bases de nuestra cultura. 
      Los conquistadores fueron al mismo tiempo los vecinos que pacificaron el territorio y dieron forma a la cultura colonial. Aún cuando los elementos primarios de esa cultura no fueron más allá de enseñar a leer, escribir, contar y rezar, si constituyeron la base fundamental sobre la que se estableció el sistema educativo colonial que aún con todas sus deficiencias fue una educación plural, en el sentido de que las escuelas privadas y los conventos funcionaron al lado de las públicas y donde los estudios religiosos cumplían similar papel formador que el de la enseñanza laica, a la vez que los beneficiarios eran “niños blancos y plebeyos”. 

      Según anota Guillermo Morón, para 1600, a pocos años de su fundación y definitivo asentamiento, Trujillo contaba con su primera escuela de letras, regentada por el maestro Juan Ortiz de Gobantes. Briceño Perozo lo menciona como institutor privado que impartía clases particulares a los hijos de los mantuanos. Otro preceptor trujillano de renombre fue el Licenciado Juan Díaz de Benavides, quien dictará clases de Gramática el año 1682 en Maracaibo. 
      Sin embargo, la historia señala que varios años antes, en 1576, el Obispo Agreda había tomado la iniciativa de constituir una escuela de Gramática, donde - aún cuando su objetivo era la formación de sacerdotes -, también se impartió enseñanza elemental. 
      La institución fundada por Agreda se conoció como la escuela superior de “Arte y Teología”, Tuvo el privilegio de contar con catedráticos de renombre como los frailes Juan de Peñalosa y Diego de Velásquez y de graduar los primeros clérigos venezolanos, entre los que se menciona a Pedro Graterol, nativo de Boconó, quien llegó a ser Comisario del Santo Oficio de la ciudad de Trujillo, Provisor y Vicario General de la Diócesis de Venezuela. Como vemos, existen suficientes motivos y razones para que la historia eclesiástica de Venezuela considere la escuela superior de Arte y Teología fundada por el Obispo Agreda en Trujillo como el primer Seminario de Venezuela, o en todo caso como su institución antecesora. 
      Los monasterios de San Francisco y Santo Domingo y el convento Regina Angelorum funcionaron al mismo tiempo como instituciones religiosas y como centros de enseñanza, compartiendo los objetivos de la instrucción elemental y primaria con los de la educación religiosa. Sus bibliotecas estaban al servicio de maestros y alumnos y de la propia comunidad. En resumen, la educación católica estuvo tan organizada como en la actualidad. Era de carácter privado. 
      Por orden de fundación el primero de estos monasterios fue el de San Francisco en 1576, luego el de Santo Domingo en 1577 y finalmente el convento Regina Angelorum en 1599. Al monasterio de San Francisco estuvieron vinculados brillantes humanistas y educadores como los frailes Manuel Vásquez Durán, Francisco de Briceño, Pedro Mendoza Briceño y Diego Sosa y Briceño. 
      Como hemos anotado, en 1777 Monseñor Mariano Martí abre un centro de estudios destinado a la enseñanza pública donde se impartieron las primeras letras y clases de Gramática latina, ubicado en casa aledaña a la iglesia parroquial. Para 1786 este instituto enfrentó problemas económicos, por lo que pasó a ser financiado por el Cabildo de Trujillo según acuerdo del cuerpo tomado el 20 de noviembre de ese mismo, atendiendo una solicitud del Obispo de Mérida Fray Juan Ramos de Lora. 
      El acuerdo del Cabildo trujillano convierte el centro de estudios fundado por Mariano Martí en escuela de primeras letras para niños blancos y plebeyos, designando preceptor al maestro de lengua don Juan Antonio Portillo y Valera, quien la regenta hasta finales de 1791. Se trata de la primera escuela pública de Trujillo y Portillo y Valera el primer maestro de la entidad. 
      Para la fecha las autoridades trujillanas eran en el ámbito municipal don Sancho Antonio Briceño y Francisco Miguel de Goicoechea como Alcaldes Ordinarios de Trujillo, y don Antonio Barroeta como Síndico Procurador. Como Teniente Gobernador se desempeñaba el capitán don José de Luzardo. 
      En 1810, ya en los albores de la guerra de Independencia, el padre Juan Nepomuceno Ramos Venegas funda en Bocono una escuela pública de primeras letras, y diez años más tarde - en 1820 – el Obispo de Mérida Rafael Lasso de La Vega, crea otra escuela de similares características en Santa Ana. 
      Por otra parte, los blancos peninsulares y los blancos criollos, gracias a que poseían mayores recursos, no enviaban sus hijos a las escuelas públicas sino que contrataban preceptores que se encargaban de su educación. Los indios aprendían a leer y escribir en las misiones. Las niñas no tenían acceso a las escuelas. 
      A escala de la Provincia de Venezuela los pardos fueron los más afectados, pues sus hijos no tuvieron acceso a ningún tipo de enseñanza sino hasta 1805, cuando el Cabildo de Caracas otorgó permiso para instalar una escuela dedicada a sus hijos. Discriminación que como hemos visto no sucedió en Trujillo, donde las escuelas de primeras letras - tanto las constituidas por la Iglesia como las creadas por las autoridades administrativas españolas - tuvieron desde sus inicios carácter público, es decir, eran de libre acceso para los interesados. La primera escuela pública creada por el Ayuntamiento de Trujillo en 1876 establecía por Decreto que era para niños blancos y plebeyos sin distinción.  
      Próxima Semana: Parte II de “Papel Educación en La Colonia” 
 Papel de la educación en la colonia (II)  Daniel Barreto Faure  Educación pública y privada 
      Se aprecia igualmente que durante la Colonia la educación religiosa o privada se instauró en Trujillo primero que la oficial o pública y que durante mucho tiempo marcharon como si fuese una sola. La verdad histórica muestra que durante la Colonia convivieron escuelas religiosas, privadas y públicas. Es decir, que aún antes de su definición como Nación independiente, en Venezuela coexistió la educación pública con la privada. 
      El proceso fue el siguiente: Primero fueron las escuelas establecidas por los curas doctrineros y los Obispos en reducciones, monasterios y conventos; luego vinieron las escuelas privadas fundadas por preceptores o maestros particulares, y finalmente las escuelas públicas sostenidas por los Ayuntamientos. Sintetizando, la enseñanza católica en Venezuela se desarrollo al mismo tiempo que se forjaba nuestra cultura, se definía un concepto de Nación y se construía la República, bajo principios de justicia, libertad y equidad. 
      El concepto de Estado Docente no se define sino entre 1811 y 1843, cuando se legisla para crear un sistema de educación, cuyo primer objetivo es echar las bases de un Estado Docente. Es en 1843 cuando se aprueba el Código de Instrucción Pública. 

      En las escuelas de primeras letras se impartían materias como Lectura, Escritura, Calculo y Religión. A principios del s. XVIII se amplió la instrucción al abrirse institutos donde se dictaron otras materias como Castellano, Historia y Geografía. 
      La primera cátedra de Gramática la abrió en Trujillo el Obispo Agreda en 1576. En los monasterios y conventos trujillanos se impartieron las primeras letras a la par que funcionaron cátedras de Filosofía, Teología y Moral, Gramática y Latín cuyos beneficiarios eran los propios frailes y religiosas y algunos legos eruditos de la época. 
      La educación impartida en Trujillo durante la Colonia oscilaba entre la primaria, que enseñaba a leer, escribir, contar y rezar; y la secundaria, con estudios de Gramática y Latín. La impartida en monasterios y conventos tuvo algunos rasgos de educación superior al dictarse cursos de Filosofía, Latín, Teología e incluso Música. El curso de Gramática incluía materias como Castellano, nociones de Literatura, Aritmética y Geografía; Historia Sagrada y Religión, elementos de Historia Universal y principios de Retórica y Dialéctica. El de Arte abarcaba otro grupo de materias como Filosofía, Latín, Física, Historia Natural, Álgebra, Griego y Retórica. Recordemos que Cristóbal Mendoza obtuvo el grado de Maestro en Arte en la Real y Pontificia Universidad de Caracas. 
      La escuela de Arte y Teología establecida en Trujillo el año 1576 por el Obispo Agreda tuvo rango de Seminario y en ella se ordenaron los primeros sacerdotes venezolanos. 
      Para el s. XVIII algunos trujillanos habían alcanzado un notable nivel educativo. Los hijos de los mantuanos, especialmente los encomenderos, habían recibido instrucción en primeras letras y adquirido conocimientos sobre Gramática, Filosofía, Teología y Moral y Música, pero no podían proseguir sus estudios al no existir instituciones de educación superior. Por este motivo, los jóvenes mantuanos tenían las alternativas de viajar a la metrópoli, ingresar en los Seminarios abiertos por la Iglesia o acudir a la Universidades de Santa Fe de Bogotá o a la de Santo Domingo. Es el caso del prócer trujillano Doctor y Coronel Antonio Nicolás Briceño, quien se recibió de doctor en leyes en Bogotá, y el ya citado de Cristóbal Mendoza. 
      En Caracas y Mérida, los Seminarios y Colegios de Arte y Teología dieron origen a las principales Universidades del país: La Universidad de Caracas, erigida el 22 diciembre de 1721 por real cédula de Felipe V, tiene sus orígenes en el Seminario de Santa Rosa de Caracas. Luego pasa a Real y Pontificia Universidad de Santiago de León de Caracas por bula del Papa Inocencio XIII del 16 de diciembre de 1722. Deviene en la actual Universidad Central de Venezuela. La Universidad de Los Andes tiene su origen en el Seminario de San Buenaventura de Mérida establecido en 1785 por el Obispo Juan Ramos de Lora. 
      1. Fue establecida por curas doctrineros y obispos. 
      2. Tuvo marcada influencia católica. 
      3. Coexistieron los establecimientos privados con los públicos. 
      4. No hubo discriminación racial ni social. A diferencia del resto de la Provincia de Venezuela, a las escuelas públicas en Trujillo podían acudir niños blancos y plebeyos. Los indios fueron instruidos en las misiones. Los pardos tuvieron acceso a las escuelas públicas. Los establecimientos educativos religiosos tenían el doble carácter de públicos y privados. 
      5. Tenía las limitaciones y deficiencias propias de la época. 
      6. Fue base de sustentación de la cultura trujillana. (Transculturización). 
      7. Formó la generación de independencia (Ejemplos: Fray Ignacio Alvarez, Dr. y Coronel Antonio Nicolás Briceño). 
      Próxima semana, Especial de: “Cantos y Bailes Navidad Trujillana”.



Spain's California and Arizona Patriots digitized and online!!
Ecos de la Guerra entre Mexico y Los Estados Unidos 

A Brief History of Civil Rights by Black educator Willis Papillion


The Complete text of Granville and N.C. Hough's research are now online for the following studies:

New Book:
(Spanish) Ecos de la Guerra entre Mexico y Los Estados Unidos 
Sent by George Gause

The Mexican-American War was an event of major consequences, not only for the countries involved, but for the entire North American continent. It was also the first war to be documented with photographs and the first to be witnessed by press correspondents.

Rich in period illustrations and photos, this fascinating book recounts the war from both sides of the conflict. In addition to the extensive core text comprised of eyewitness accounts and documents from the wartime period, notes and captions illuminate and explain the material. From great political and military strategies to individual soldiers’ perceptions (the endless marches under searing sun or torrential rain, in wool uniforms and shoes made to fit either foot…) the book shows the enormous complexity of the war from many perspectives.

More than 200 images illustrate the text, many of them lithographs based on images drawn by the soldiers themselves.

Alison Carr, Marketing Assistant
Groundwood Books
720 Bathurst St, Suite 500
Toronto, ON M5S 2R4
Tel: (416) 537-2501 ext 221   Fax: (416) 537-4647

A Brief History of Civil Rights by Black educator Willis Papillion
James Kelly, Managing Editor December 23, 2004
Time Magazine
Time-Life Building
Rockefeller Center
New York, N.Y. 10020

Dear Editor Kelly:

In response to your article; The Benetton--AD Presidency, by Joe Klein--Dec. 27, 2004.
Mr. Klein, makes a grave mistake--when he gives the Democrats credit for creating a broader, deeper pool of successful non-White, college graduates. And also, his statement;" Democratic historic support for Civil Rights legislation, and the feminist revolution" Is absolutely untrue!! Mr. Klein, shouldn't make statements--based on emotions and bias.

For the record, the Republicans started the Civil Rights movement--with their passage of the 1866 Civil Rights Act, the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments. The Republican Chief Justice, Earl Warren,
pass the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education--ending legal/Gov. sponsor segregation. The Republicans along with the Black Civil Rights groups--pass the 1964 Civil Rights Act. With 44 Republicans, voting for its passage--and only 28 Democrats, voted for it. The same for the 1965 Voting Rights Act--47 Republicans, voted for it--while only 33 Democrats, voted for its passage. President Eisenhower, Republican, gave us the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights

The Republicans, gave us the original Black Congressional Caucus--15 Black Rep. Congressmen and 2 Republican Senators; 1867 to 1892. And the Republican gave us the first Black Republican Senator--in the 20 th century--Senator Edward Brooks-1967 to 1979!

The Republicans gave us the 19th amendment--women suffrage/right to vote. The start of the feminist revolution. With the help of a Black Republican, activist/leader--Fredrick Douglas. Republicans, also, gave us the first female Congresswomen--Jeannette Rank, 1924. Republicans, gave us first Equal Rights platform for Black-Americans and Women--1917. Also, the first female Mayor of a major City--Bertha Landes, Republican--Seattle. President Nixon, gave us Title IX--outlawing Sex Discrimination against women. He also, gave us the US Civil Rights Commissions and its laws.

In addition, President Nixon, was the first president to issue Executive Orders--enforcing Affirmative Action, Fair Housing Act and the implementation of; Brown vs. Board of Education, with his passage of the Emergency School Aid Act/School Desegregation-1970. And the first Minority Business Agency. President Nixon, didn't stop there--he usher in the Hispanic era with his insistence of Gov. hiring of Hispanic and Bi-Lingual Education. He also, appointed the first person of Color--to head the Office of Education/Dept--HEW,1976. Dr. Ed Aguirre,  a Hispanic-which I had the honor of working with, HEW-1974.

President Reagan, appointed the first female to the Supreme Court-Sandra O'Connor, 1981. He also, gave us Martin Luther King, national holiday. In addition. to being the first president to issue an Executive Order--to fund and preserve Historical Black Colleges. And President Reagan, gave us a 22 year extension on the 1965 Voting Rights--longer then any other president!

President Bush, gave us the first Black-American Secretary of State, Colin Powell. The first black female, National Advisor-Dr. Rice. While President Bush, was Governor of Texas--he gave us the best Affirmative Action plan--admission to Universities. Diversity for people of Color and Females-- the top ten academically qualify students, from the state's schools--will automatically be given admission to the state's Universities!

The Democrats didn't discover the Black vote and Civil Rights--until their National Convention, 1948 & 1952.

I think that Mr. Klein, needs to do more research--before he writes historical articles. Also, I believe that your magazine owes the Republican Party and President Bush--a retraction and apology, for publishing false historical information! History is not history--unless it is true!! President Abe Lincoln.

PS; Many thanks for giving President Bush, credit for the most diverse cabinet of persons of Color and Women--of any president. Maybe now, the American people-in general and Black-Americans and Women, in particular.  Will give greater respect to the Republicans and President Bush!!

Thanking you in advance--and have a fine American Day!

Willis Papillion
1578 Reo PL.,NW
Silverdale, WA 98383


Google Launches Search for Scholars
Book: Beginning Spanish Research 

Bill Will Close Vital Records
Basic Tips on Using a Mailing List
The last Email 
Gems From Loved Ones' Ashes
Facts & Genes,Family Tree DNA

Google Launches Search for Scholars, CNET

Google, the popular and much-hyped Internet search engine, has announced a new service for scholars and researchers: Google Scholar, which will index a variety of peer-reviewed papers, books, and technical reports. Located at, the free service will not only be a gateway for academic Internet searches, but it will also make available some scholarly works that currently can be found only in hard copy.

Google Plans New Service for Scientists and Scholars, The New York Times (free reg. req.)

George Ryskamp, Director of the Center, together with his wife Peggy Hill Ryskamp, published “Beginning Spanish Research” in the November-December 2004 volume of Ancestry Magazine, pages 34-41.  Sent by Lorraine Hernandez 

New Bill Will Close Records to Genealogists
Sent by Lorraine Hernandez
RESTRICTING OUR ACCESS TO RECORDS. The U.S. House of Representatives is
considering a bill, House Resolution 10 (H.R. 10), which seeks to restrict access to birth certificates. David Rencher, chairman of the Record Access and Preservation Committee, a joint committee of the National Genealogical Society and Federation of Genealogical Societies (FGS), has sent a letter to the bill's sponsor, Congressman J. Dennis Hastert, recommending an amendment to the bill that make a distinction between certified and non-certified copies and excludes records more than 100 years old. A copy of the letter is available on the FGS site at: or 
To view this bill, go to   Enter HR10 in the search box for "Bill Number."

Concerned U.S. family historians who wish to contact their congressional representative can go to:  and enter their zip code. Follow the link to the representative's website to obtain his/her contact information

Write or Email your Senator.  If you do not know your U.S. Senator's e-mail address, you can find it at  

A Few Basic Tips on Using Genealogy Mailing List ... 

Sent by Janete Vargas

If you haven't tried using mailing lists before and would like to, here are a few basic tips to get you started:

-Go to and enter your surnames in the search boxes. This should direct you to a surname community that will then inform you how to go about subscribing to a surname list. Once you are on the list, you will receive all the e-mail from all the other subscribers to the list.

-Follow a similar strategy for joining county and state mailing lists.

-Use  to find ethnic or other types of lists you might want to subscribe to by scrolling down her web page and seeing what links she has to other sites.

-Read subscription instructions carefully and follow them exactly as they are given in order to guarantee success.

-Keep a copy of the welcome message you receive for future reference. It will tell you how to unsubscribe, how to contact the list owner, and how to post messages and reply.

-Do not send file attachments to a mailing list. Other no-no's are junk mail and virus warnings. Also, make sure what you post is relevant to that particular list and is on the topic of genealogy. Some people can't resist making political or other types of personal statements that are not appropriate for these lists.

-Do not post private or personal information about yourself unless you are entirely comfortable with this information becoming public knowledge. Remember everyone's right to privacy and do not post information about living relatives to the list. You may do this in private e-mails to individuals if it is called for.

-Whenever possible quote your sources. Indicate titles of books, web site addresses, library names or any other reference you have used.

Have fun! Read more:

Sent by Armando Montes 

PHOTOGENEALOGY.COM provides useful tools and information for genealogists who are interested in family photographs.  Over the years, I have gathered the best advice on how to…

preserve your photographic prints, negatives, slides and movies
identify and date old photographic images
organize and manage your photo collection
make photographic and digital copies of your images
conserve and restore photographic artifacts
locate additional images for your collection
share your images with family members and other researchers
improve the documentation of your genealogical research
take better pictures for genealogical purposes 

Click on “Articles” to read short articles I have written on topics related to photogenealogy.  Most of these articles originally appeared in the News & Notes newsletter published by the Genealogical Research Institute of Virginia (GRIVA).
Click on “How To” for practical advice, tips and techniques.
Click on “Resources” for links to organizations, vendors, books and periodicals and other sources of information and assistance. 

Please bookmark this site and come back often, since I expect to be adding new material frequently.  Also, I invite you to send me an e-mail at the address below to tell me about your specific areas of interest and expertise.   The text and images found on are intended for the personal information and enjoyment of our visitors and are subject to copyright.  Any commercial use of these materials without my express consent is prohibited.

Thanks, Drew Hogwood
Richmond, Virginia

The last Email
Sent by Armando Montes

The loss of a loved one is a difficult experience. At this complicated, and sometimes unexpected moment, you can bring comfort and strength to those you leave behind by sending them a message of love as you say goodbye.

That is why The Last Email was created. This site is, after all, a way of celebrating life, memories and all the things that we love most. With our service you will be able to write messages, which will be delivered after your death to the ones you have chosen. You have complete control, because you may change the messages anytime you wish from anywhere you want. Write and re-write any message at any time. It is easy to add images, videos, music or anything else you would like.

 Think about the end of your life. Most people do not know how to begin planning for life’s ending, others usually postpone dealing with end-of-life issues until it is absolutely necessary. Unfortunately, many people wait too long before they decide to approach these issues.

The Last Email was created to give people new ways to look at death, stepping on taboos that dominate this topic. Using this unique service makes it easier for you to plan what you want and write it down in a message for the people you care about.

 It is very easy to subscribe to The Last Email service. service. Just fill out and submit the online application form. After we receive your data we will send you your unique authentication key by email. This is your private key to start writing your personal emails.

You are the only person who can access your emails. The information is encrypted using this key and saved on our secure servers. You can choose between four different plans. We have also a free plan for you. Click here to know more about our subscription plans.

Depending on your subscription plan, you can also attach sound, video, and pdf files to your emails. If you have any doubt, suggestion or question about our service, you can read more in our service section or contact us at


Company Makes Gems From Loved Ones' Ashes
By Jim Suhr, AP Business Writer, Top Stories - AP
Ann Minter

ST. LOUIS - Proving that diamonds indeed are forever, a widower got a gem of a keepsake made from his late wife's ashes this month: a 0.35-carat, round yellow diamond.

The synthetic stone, ordered by a man in his 40s shortly after his wife's death from heart disease in May, is the handiwork of LifeGems.

"It was beautiful, really pretty," funeral director Paul Baue said of the stone ordered by the widower, who requested privacy and declined to be interviewed for this story. "It's a great way to pay tribute to someone's life."

That LifeGem was the first sold in the St. Louis area, according to the suburban Chicago-based company. Three-year-old LifeGems estimates it has crafted nearly 1,000 of the diamonds - what it calls "the most unique memorial product ever invented" - for about 500 families.

"I think more people are looking for more-personal ways to remember somebody," says Dean VandenBiesen, LifeGem's vice president of operations. "Rather than having ongoing mourning for someone's loss, people are wanting to celebrate a life. The LifeGem is just another way to do that, versus having a weeping, somber occasion."

To LifeGem, the synthetic diamonds offer a choice in a funeral industry that for years, by nature, offered limited choices for consumers - bury a body in a graveyard or have the body cremated, with the ashes stored in an urn or scattered in the wind.

LifeGem needs 8 ounces of human ashes to make a diamond the company prizes for its "closeness and mobility," leaving the rest of the cremains to the family. Depending on size, LifeGem prices vary from about $2,500 for a quarter carat to about $14,000 for a full carat, VandenBiesen said.

"These remains are very precious and special to people, but they don't just have an aesthetic form and look," VandenBiesen said. "People actually really enjoy these, and that's really different from what you'd expect in the funeral profession."

As part of the LifeGems process that takes a few months, carbon extracted from cremains are subjected to the extremes of heat and pressure. The resulting diamond then is cut and faceted like a normal diamond.

Those behind LifeGems believe the market for the diamonds will only blossom. According to the Cremation Association of North America, the percentage of the dead that are cremated - nearly 28 percent in 2002 - is estimated to rise to 35 percent in 2010 and 43 percent in 2025.

Among more than 57,000 deaths in Missouri in 2002, 18.6 percent were cremated, the association said.

Beyond the synthetic diamonds, others in recent years have tried to think outside the box when it comes to options with cremains. Creative Cremains based in California, long the nation's largest cremation state by volume - offers custom-designed urns, converting mementos - everything from sports equipment to photo frames and musical instruments - into places for loved one's ashes.

"The only limits are imagination and finances," the company's Web site says.

Not to be outdone, Georgia-based Eternal Reefs Inc. has catered to people who in life honored the environment, mixing their cremains into concrete and placing them in the water off any of several states, creating new marine habitats for fish and other sea life.

Other businesses will send cremains into space or place them in fireworks for folks who want to go out with a bang.

"I think different generations "the baby boomers and Generation Xers" are more open to making personalization part of their final journey in life," said Baue, vice president of Baue Funeral Homes, with four sites and a crematory in St. Charles County.

To him, turning loved ones into shiny ones is among the crown jewels of ways of being remembered.

"As they say, diamonds are forever," he said.

Facts & Genes from Family Tree DNA
December 3, 2004  Volume 3, Issue 7
Sent by Tom Ascencio

The 1st International Conference on Genetic Genealogy for Family Tree DNA Group Administrators was held October 30, 2004 in Houston, Texas.  The conference was an outstanding success.

At the conference, the results of the Y DNA Mutation Rate Study of Surname Projects was announced.  This study was co-sponsored by the Department of Genetics at the University of Arizona and Family Tree DNA.  This study is the first study of Y DNA mutation rates analyzed in conjunction with family genealogies. 

The conference was an excellent opportunity to hear from experts in the field.  Dr. Bruce Walsh, the world-renowned population geneticist from the Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology at the University of Arizona, presented the topic "Time to Most Recent Common Ancestor".  Bennett Greenspan, founder of Family Tree DNA, presented "DNA and Genealogy, How it all Began".  Matt Kaplan, from the University of Arizona, presented information about the future of SNP testing, and other advances planned, as well as addressing multi-copy marker issues.  Taylor Edwards from the University of Arizona presented an overview of Lab Procedures. 

Doug Mumma gave a comprehensive presentation on his Mumma Surname Project, which was the first established Surname Project outside of academic institutions.  Doug was a pioneer in the application of DNA testing to genealogy.  Well-known genealogical author, Megan Smolenyak presented many unique tips for recruiting participants. In addition to her presentation, Megan and Ann Turner autographed their book "Trace Your Roots with DNA : Using Genetic Tests to Explore Your Family Tree" which can be found at the Books section of Family Tree DNA :



Headless Bodies Found at Mysterious Mexico Pyramid, by Brian Winter

MEXICO CITY (Reuters World News) - The discovery of a tomb filled with decapitated bodies suggests Mexico's 2,000 year-old "Pyramid of the Moon" may have been the site of horrifically gory sacrifices, archeologists said on Thursday.

The tomb at Teotihuacan, the first major city built in the Americas, whose origins are one of history's great mysteries, also held the bound carcasses of eagles, dogs and other animals.

"It is hard to believe that the ritual consisted of clean, symbolic performances -- it is most likely that the ceremony created a horrible scene of bloodshed with sacrificed people and animals," said Saburo Sugiyama, one of the scientists leading the ongoing dig.

"Whether the victims and animals were killed at the site or a nearby place, this foundation ritual must have been one of the most terrifying acts recorded archeologically in Mesoamerica."

Of the 12 human bodies found, 10 were decapitated and then tossed, rather than arranged, on one side of the burial site. The two other bodies were richly ornamented with beads and a necklace made of imitation human jaws.

The Aztecs came across Teotihuacan's towering stone pyramids in about 1500 A.D., centuries after the city was torched and abandoned. It is not known what language its inhabitants spoke, but the Aztecs named it "The Place Where Men Become Gods," believing it was a divine site.  A major tourist site, it lies about 35 miles northeast of Mexico City.

After 200 years of excavations, archeologists are still largely in the dark about the origins of the city, which is believed to have housed 200,000 people at its peak in 500 A.D. -- rivaling Shakespeare's London, but a millennium earlier.

Sugiyama said the nearly complete excavation indicates the Pyramid of the Moon was significant to its builders as a site for celebrating state power through ceremony and sacrifice.

The sacrifices were carried out during the expansion of one of the city's major monuments, suggesting the government wanted to symbolize growing sacred political power.

"Contrary to some past interpretation, militarism was apparently central to the city's culture," the excavation team said in a statement.

The master-planned city-state collapsed around 700 A.D., an event as mysterious as its formation.

It was the site of a modern-day controversy earlier this year when protesters fought and lost a battle to keep the Mexican unit of retail giant Wal-Mart Stores Inc. from building a new store a half-mile away.




The Genealogists Psalm Burma Shave Signs

The Genealogists Psalm

Sent by Eddie Grijalva

Genealogy is my pastime, I shall not stray.
It maketh me to lie down and examine 
half-buried tombstones. 
It leadeth me into still courthouses;
It restoreth my ancestral knowledge. 
It leadeth me in paths of census records & 
ship's passenger lists for my surname's sake.
Yea, though I walk through the shadows of 
research libraries & microfilm readers, 
I shall fear no discouragement. 
For a strong urge is within me; the curiosity 
& motivation they comforteth me. 
It demandeth preparation of storage space 
for the acquisition of countless documents.
It annointeth my head with burning mid-night 
oil; my family group sheets runneth over. 
Surely birth, marriage, & death dates shall 
follow me all the days of my life; 
And I shall dwell in the house of a family-
History seeker forever. 

By Wildamae Brestal 
Burma Shave Signs
Sent by Lynette Chapa 

Remember these? For those who never saw the Burma shave signs, here is a quick lesson in our history of the 1930s and '40's. Before the Interstates, when everyone drove the old 2 lane roads, Burma Shave signs would be posted all over the countryside in farmers' fields. They were small red signs with white letters. Five signs, about 100 feet apart, each containing 1 line of a 4 line couplet and the obligatory 5th sign advertising Burma Shave, a popular shaving cream. Here are more of the actual signs:
Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

Burma Shave

And the all time favorite:

Burma Shave



                12/30/2009 04:49 PM