| Somos
Primos
August 2005 Dedicated to
Hispanic Heritage and Diversity Issues |
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Areas United States . . 3 Anti-Spanish Legends . . 31 Surname . . 34 Galvez Patriots . . 36 Orange Co,CA . . 45 Los Angeles,CA . . 47 California . . 53 Northwestern US . . 72 Southwestern US . . 78 Black . . 84 Indigenous . . 86 Sephardic . . 98 Texas . . 109 East Mississippi . . 130 East Coast . . 132 Mexico . . 136 Caribbean/Cuba . . 154 Spain . . 156 International . . 158 History . . 161 Dichos . . 168 Family History . . 168 Archaeology . . 172 Miscellaneous . . 173 Calendar Networking Meetings END |
Jack Cowan (aka George Washington)
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Letters to the Editor : |
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Example of
People Resources & Networking I received a request for assistance from Michael Carters on the De Soto and Espejo Family. I sent along some information and then forwarded it to Johanna De Soto. From: carters@samoa.ws From: CasaSanMiguel@aol.com
To: carters@samoa.ws Dear Michael, Good luck on your research. I looked at the 1870 Federal Census,
California, Los Angeles, Los Nietos Township, taken on |
Don't forget to send your new email. . . .
OC Register, June 24, 2005 |
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Somos
Primos Staff: Mimi Lozano, Editor John P. Schmal, Johanna de Soto, Howard Shorr Armando Montes Michael Stevens Perez Luke Holtzman, Photos/ Lay-out Assistance Contributors: Grisel Y. Acosta Mary Esther Algueseva Zahradnick Ruth T. Bello Gloria & Jerry Benavides Monica Billings Luis Brandtner y Nava G. Mercy Bautista Olvera Jaime Cader Rosemarie Capodicci Bill Carmena Michael Carters Sylvia Carvajal Sutton Yomar Cleary Frank Xavier Contreras III Jack Cowan Scott Cowan Samantha Cowan Susan Cowan Mary Anne Curry Jose Luis De La Granja |
Johanna De Soto Leonardo de la Torre y Berumen Hector Diaz Dominick Vila Richard Duran Edna Yolanda Elizondo Lorraine Frain, George Gause Gloria Oliver Ray Gonzalez Lila and Rick Guzman Sergio Hernandez Luke Holtzman Win Holtzman John Inclan Angie Jensen Dennis Keesee Bermudez Larry Kirkpatrick Dick LaPenta RoseMarie LaPenta Cindy Lobuglio Mario Longoria Conchita Lucero Mary Beth Lyons José Macías Arocha Ophelia Marquez Armando Montes Miguel Angel Muñoz Borrego Paul Newfield Rafael Ojedo Gloria Oliver Guillermo Padilla Origel |
Hector Luis Pardo Ortiz Jose M. Pena Willie Perez Andy Porras Angel Custodio Rebollo Peter Reginato Frances Rios José León Robles de la Torre Manuel Robles Alfonso E. Rodriguez Ramos Art Rodriguez George Ryskamp Benicio Samuel Sanchez Garcia Susan Sanchez Lobedan Virginia Sanchez Richard G. Santos John P. Schmal D.A. Sears Sister Mary Sevilla Phyllis Shelton Howard Shorr Rebecca Shokrian Mira Smithwick Corinne Staacke Adrienne Stefan Laura Tellez Janete Vargas Margarita Velez Dave Villarreal JD Villarreal Victor Villarreal Stewart Von Rathjen |
| SHHAR Board: Bea Armenta Dever, Steven Hernandez, Mimi Lozano Holtzman, Pat Lozano, Henry Marquez, Yolanda Ochoa Hussey, Michael Perez, Crispin Rendon, Viola Rodriguez Sadler, John P. Schmal |
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SHHAR
Opening
Doors in Washington, D.C. July 4th, 2005 |
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From left to right: Jack Cowan,
Hector Diaz, Sylvia Carvajal Sutton, Mary Beth Lyons, Scott Cowan,
Samantha Cowan, Susan Cowan, Dick LaPenta, Mimi Lozano, RoseMarie
LaPenta and Corinne Staacke. |
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CSGA Newsletter Society
of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research |
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Although few will record July 4th, 2005 as a breakthrough for historical understanding, hopefully some day it will be recognized as such. It took 10 years, but proudly, this year, descendents and friends of Spanish colonists participated in both the 4th of July parade and a presentation within the National Archives itself. In 1995, I was in Washington, D.C. attending a meeting for the U.S. Senate Task Force on Hispanic Affairs. It was my first visit to the capital, but it quickly became clear that awareness of the Hispanic contributions in the development of the United States was totally missing in public displays throughout D.C. The most glaring omission was at the Smithsonian. A prominent display case held two French colonial soldiers with a plaque underneath recognizing the important contributions of France to the American Revolution, but no mention of the more important part that Spain had played. 1 could fully understand that the general public would not be aware of that fact, but not the Smithsonian. They should be presenting a fuller, more accurate picture of our nation's history. The Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research (SHHAR) became instrumental in attempting to make a change in public awareness. Our publication Somos Primos began to include more colonial information. Other Hispanic genealogical organizations followed suit. We collaborated with local Orange County chapters of both SAR and DAR. As a direct result, two men were inducted into the Sons of the American Revolution through their Spanish ancestors who served in the Spanish forces. in 1998
we began to publish and distribute a series of manuals on the Spanish
patriots to the American Revolution which Dr. Granville
Hough and his daughter were in the process of writing. The manuals
eventually numbered eight, each dedicated to a U.S. state in which
Spanish forces served to support the American Revolution. Steve Hussev
(husband of Board member, Yolanda Ochoa)
has put the California patriot manuals (2) and Arizona
manual (1) online. Go to resources at http://www.SHHAR.org. In October 2003, SHHAR organized and hosted a very successful three-day celebration in Long Beach honoring Bernardo de Galvez. Press, city officials, educators, and other historical and genealogical groups participated. This continuing attention to the contributions brought results. This year, for the first time, a newly-formed group from San Antonio, the Texas Connection to the American Revolution, TCARA marched in the July 4th parade. Being chair of a 2005 committee to promote Hispanic inclusion within the National Archives, I was in a position to open the door to TCARA'S participation. The mission of the group is to emphasize the contribution of the Tejanos cattlemen, Spanish colonizers who supported the American Revolution through the cattle that reached the revolutionary forces. My ancestors were among these men. I am happy to say that I am on the TCARA Board. The group is made up not only of descendants, but also members of the SAR and DAR. Jack Cowan, President of TCARA is also President of a local chapter of Sons of the American Revolution. A retired Lt. Col in the Army, with no Hispanic heritage, Jack is committed to promoting inclusion. In Long Beach, one of our participants was a Bernardo de Galvez reenactor Hector Diaz . Hector lives in Maryland. I was able to facilitate his participation in the National Archives July 4th activities. He made a presentation at the National Archives on both days of the July 4th festivities, July 3rd and 4th plus marched with TCARA in the July 4th parade. We made history! I am also happy to announce that a new display on the military history of the United States at the Smithsonian makes mention of the Spanish contributions in several texts of the display. HispanicLinks, one of the oldest weekly publications in DC. dedicated to Hispanic issues, carried an article on our activities. In addition, a tour that I set up with the National Council of La Raza brought us in contact with a DC. based radio station. The result is that 22 Spanish language radio stations will be carrying a one-minute interview concerning the mission of TCARA, bringing about awareness of Spanish contributions to the American Revolution to Spanish-speaking listeners. Many related activities are underway. 1 will do my
best to keep CSGA informed. For more information on SHHAR's
ongoing activities please go to: www.SomosPrimos.com or call me
directly, 714-894-8161. |
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Washington, D.C. – Today the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute (CHCI) announced their theme for the Hispanic Heritage Month events as being, Leadership for America’s Future. |
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Latinos In Information Sciences and Technology Association (LISTA) www.a-lista.org celebrated its National Technology Achievers Awards Gala Dinner on June 29th, 2005 at the Jacob Javits Convention Center at C3 Expo in New York Over six hundred Latino technology professionals, government officials, business entrepreneurs attended the Gala event to celebrate and honor the leadership and contributions distinguished Hispanic Americans are making in various technology sectors. Corporate partners were also recognized for their continual commitment to the Hispanic community. Recipients of the National Latino Achievers Awards who have made significant, positive contributions to the Hispanic community included Tyrone Taborn – Chairman & CEO, Career Communications Group, who received the Chair Award. Susan Whiting – President & CEO, Nielsen Media Research “Corporate Visionary of the Year”. John Villamil EVP & CIO Aspira CIO of the Year, Magda Yrizarry – VP of Diversity for Verizon was the proud recipient of the “Corporate Citizen Award” and Felipe Alvarez, COO Con Edison Communications – “Man of the Year 2005”. Also honored that evening were Ray Moya Argent Associates, Rafael LeClerc New York Board of Education, Gutavo Cardenas NBC 4 & Telemundo 47, and Harold Martinez American Latino TV. The event was hosted by Natalia Cruz- Co-Anchor, Noticiero 47 Telemundo and Monica Morales – reporter, NBC News 4. The Gala featured distinguished keynote speakers from the Hispanic business and political communities which included Commissioner Guillermo Linares who delivered a Proclamation from the Mayor of New York Michael Bloomberg and Alfredo Placeres USHCC Region 5 Board of director who delivered a proclamation by Governor George Pataki. Sponsoring this momentous event this year were: C3 Expo, Prudential Financial, Hispanic Engineer Magazine, Alterego, Staples, Con Edison Communications, Diversity Inc. Provident Bank of New Jersey, Applied Micro Devices (AMD), Nielsen Media Research, , NBC New 4 NY, MGM Grand, Telemundo 47, and Verizon, Dewars 12, CCG Media, ACP Consulting, Argent Associates, DTM, American Latino TV and HITN . LISTA’s New Beginnings Globalization of both technology and markets has driven home the conclusion that companies have greater strength through mutual partnerships and relationships. This conclusion is reflection of business realities. LISTA has initiated collaborative alliances with its corporate sponsors, which will reach across markets, geography and political boundaries to expand technology application and capitalize on business opportunities. LISTA brings together the expertise, innovation and know-how of companies from various fields and locations to create a wide range of social and professional initiatives. These powerful strategic alliances will provide connections, resources, & opportunities within a supportive environment to the Latino community and members of the LISTA organization. LISTA’s goal is to empower all Latino’s to achieve unimagined possibilities and transformations through technology, leadership and economic prosperity. http://www.a-lista.org Contact: Phyllis Shelton, Public Relations Director Phone: 866-286-6038 phyllisshelton@success4u2.net Website: www.a-lista.org |
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| Ceremony held September 9th 2000,
on the anniversary of his death. Killed in action on September 11th, 1944 in Italy. Presentation of World War II Medals Calvary Cemetery, 4201 Whittier Blvd. Los Angeles Presented by nephew: Frank Xavier Contreras III Past 23rd District Commander, Veterans of Foreign Wars 1-626-337-2102
As a young man Javier worked at the Barbara Ann Bakery. He lived with out grandmother until her death in 1940. That was the day my father told me that it seemed their would had come to an end. After my grandmother died. Javier went to live with his brother, Carlos. He lived with Carlos for about 2 years. Until he entered the service. He was inducted into the Army in 1942. Going to camp Roberts CA for his basic training. his M.O.S. was a baker. My cousin Rob stated that Javier fitted right in with the other recruits. He was older than the average inductee so they called him pops. He excelled on the firing range and made marksmen. They assigned him to duty in Europe. In the infantry behind enemy lines. He was in the invasion of Sicily, the main battle for Italy on September 9, 1943. on July 11, 1944 He received the bronze star for his heroic achievement in action near Terricciola Italy. Somewhere in Italy on September 11, 1944 Javier was killed in action I remember my father telling me about the day his brother died. My Father said on the day Javier was killed, he heard his brother cry out his name, and my father knew his little brother was gone. My father had an empty feeling in his soul. On September 28, 1944 our family was notified that Javier was killed in action my uncle Carlos received the Western Union. As my cousin Maria said, "A blanket of sadness came over their home, my uncle Carlos had a small one star banner that he had kept in the window until the end of the war. that banner not only said that we had we had a solder in the family, but the Contperas family was in support of the war effort. My father, uncle and Aunt all worked in the defense plants. Our country owes their gratitude to the veterans who served and gave their lives for our country. I would also like to say thank you and welcome home to my cousin Rob who served in the Pacific during WWII. I would also like to thank my cousins Maria and Rob for their help with the information about our uncle Javier. Now at this time i would like to recognize the medals that were awarded to P.F.C. Javier B. Conteras U.S. Army. 1.Bronze Star Medal |
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Western Union Mr. Carlos Contreras 1455 Easter AVE Losal The secretary of war desires me to express his deep regret that your brother pvt first class Harvey J. Contreras was killed in action on Eleven Sept. in Italy Letter Fallows= J. A. Ulio the Adjutant General. |
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| Mr. Carlos Contreras 1455 Eastern Avenue Los Angeles 33, California Dear Mr. Contreras: Through official channels of our Government information has been
received that your brother, Harvey J. Contreras, has given his life in
defense of our county.
Respectfully yours, |
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Noncitizen soldiers: the quandaries of foreign-born troops By Patrik Jonsson | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor, July 05, 2005 RALEIGH, N.C. – Stuck in the Iraqi desert, fighting a war for a country not yet his, US Army Sgt. Leopoldo Escartin and other troops at Camp Dogwood hung a bit of home outside their desert-tan tent: the tricolor Mexican flag. Making up about 7 percent of America's active fighting force, immigrants with green cards - Mexicans the largest group among them - are risking their lives not just for advancement within the Army, but for a leg up on the road to US citizenship. As America celebrated its 229th year of independence this weekend, immigrants offered their own breed of patriotic sacrifice, and their numbers are rising even as the Army has struggled to meet recruiting goals. Their service is steeped in pride, but also in the paradoxes of allegiance inherent in serving under a foreign flag. "If I die over there, I'm not even dying for my own country," says Sergeant Escartin, who is based at Fort Bliss, Texas. To the public, the role of immigrant soldiers is equally complicated: Even as the nation honors their exemplary service, there is ambivalence over how big a role noncitizens should play. Even the Declaration of Independence, in its litany of complaints about England, railed against the use of "foreign mercenaries." Today, the notion that America may be, in effect, hiring foreigners to do its dirty work, is an ethical quandary exaggerated by the quiet loosening of requirements - and increasing of benefits - for immigrants who will shoulder rifles for Uncle Sam. "There are many stories ... about young men and women who signed up knowing that they would eventually gain their citizenship, who were subsequently killed," says Charles Peña, a defense-policy analyst at the libertarian Cato Institute. "The question is: Was their ultimate sacrifice worthwhile?" Recognizing the growing importance of immigrants in an Army that has struggled to meet its recruiting goals, the government is hastening citizenship for those who serve in the Armed Forces long term. There were 28,000 immigrant soldiers five years ago; that number has climbed to 39,000 today, not counting the thousands of foreign contractors hired since 9/11. So far, 59 immigrant casualties have been granted posthumous citizenship - and a new rule allows their families to use the deceased as a sponsor for their own residency papers. Even illegal immigrants who enter the forces under false pretenses have a chance at legal residency if they see combat. "There's very few of us [Americans] ... who really want to go out and fight, and it's a smaller number today than ever in the past," says Max Boot, a defense-policy expert at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, who has proposed a foreign "Freedom Legion" that would secure citizenship for foreign nationals fighting for the US, while helping the Armed Forces meet recruitment goals. Tapping into other cultures, he says, would "help the recruiting and it would bring some great people to the United States." Some generals say that increasing the foreign presence in American ranks could dilute troops' sense of unity and common purpose. Yet many observers say foreign volunteers tend to be exemplary in the line of duty, and units of mostly Hispanic fighters are doing some of the heavy lifting in Iraq. "[Foreign-born fighters] identify with the ideals of the United States and they are willing to fight and protect those ideals, even before they've secured all the liberties of citizenship," says Christopher Bentley, a senior Department of Homeland Security (DHS) spokesman. In part, that's because the military offers a happy end to a classic immigrant story, even as an average of two soldiers a day die overseas: Work hard, sacrifice, and let faith and toil bring their own rewards. At the same time, some parents of fallen immigrant soldiers blame their children's deaths on Army recruiters. "There's a long tradition of immigrants helping the United States ... yet all the time not knowing where to place their allegiance," says Nestor Rodriguez, director of the Center for Immigration Research in Houston. "It's hard for parents, too, because they bring these soldiers here as young children, and when the worst thing happens, they question themselves: 'Did we do the right thing in coming here?' " OATH: Hector Bolly became a US citizen last Wednesday. COURTESY OF HECTOR BOLLY Recent naturalization ceremonies in El Paso and Atlanta included dozens of soldiers. Escartin, who emigrated from Mexico City when he was 12, became a citizen inside the El Paso convention center on Wednesday. Over 7,000 foreign-born military grunts are naturalized each year, processed through a special immigration office in Nebraska in one-fourth the time required for a regular application. "Americans sometimes take it for granted what they've got," says Escartin. "It's all pretty much there for [American kids], and that's why we try harder, because it's not given to us." In a country where some are skeptical of immigration, yet most are hesitant to reinstitute the draft, ethical questions abound over immigrants' role in the Army - chiefly, perhaps, the idea of dying for a flag that is not one's own, compelled by opportunities for advancement. With thousands of immigrants in Iraq and elsewhere, the US, critics say, is outsourcing its war. Though the British still have their Nepalese Ghurkas and the French their Foreign Legion, critics say that for the US to hire more foreigners harks back to the Hessian auxiliaries who once fought American colonists on England's behalf. "It is pragmatic ... but it does reflect in the long run poorly on America to hire foreigners to do our fighting," says Charles Moskos, a sociologist at Northwestern University. Related Stories06/01/04 Is it mercenary to join military for perks, not war? 04/09/04 Immigration reform would help warm Mexicans to US 'melting pot' For immigrant soldiers, however, the ethical lines aren't always so clear, even as they fly flags other than the Stars and Stripes, and pass up burgers and apple pie for the comfort foods of their homeland. Mr. Bentley at the DHS says most immigrant soldiers have been in the US since they were young, have grown up reciting the Pledge of Allegiance in school, and have acquired the language and mannerisms of Yanks. Many already feel like Americans; citizenship only makes it official. "I've been here for a long time, I feel like this is my home," says Spc. Hector Bolly, a Mexican national who received his citizenship in El Paso on Wednesday. "If you think about it, you'd rather be in the US than Mexico - it's a better place over here, and when you're a citizen, it's easier to become whatever you want to become." |
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75TH ANNIVERSARY OF VETERANS AFFAIRS DRAWS SENATE’S PRAISE July 21, 2005 Contact: Jeff Schrade (202)224-9093 Sent by Willie Perez gillermoperez@sbcglobal.net (Washington, DC) Seventy-five years ago today, July 21, 1930, President Herbert Hoover signed an executive order which created a single federal agency to deal with veterans, combining various veterans programs into one organization. Seventy-five years later, that action has earned the praise of the U.S. Senate. "Today, in the U.S. Senate, I have introduced a resolution honoring those who have served in, and those who have been served by, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs and its predecessor agency," said U.S. Senator Larry Craig (R-Idaho). "As Chairman of the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee, I am honored to offer public recognition of this auspicious anniversary and, more importantly, the fine work being done every day by over 237,000 VA employees." The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs is the second largest federal employer, behind the U.S. Department of Defense. The VA provides health care to more than 5 million veterans and operates 157 hospitals and more than 850 community-based clinics, as well as 120 national cemeteries. There are more than 24 million veterans living today in the United States. "The VA has a unique place in history having administered one of the most significant pieces of legislation ever enacted in the Nation’s history, the ‘Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944,’ better known as the GI Bill of Rights. This legislation," Craig said, "revolutionized American society after World War II by providing educational opportunity to an entire generation of Americans." Earlier in the day, Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Veterans Affairs Jim Nicholson kicked off what they termed a year-long celebration of the VA Department’s 75th anniversary. Meeting at the historic Daughters of the American Revolution Constitution Hall in Washington, DC, the Vice President honored all veterans, and paid special tribute to 103-year-old World War I veteran Lloyd Brown who attended the event, and 107-year-old Howard Ramsey, who lives in Oregon. "At the time this American soldier [Ramsey] was born, the flag of the United States had 45 stars, and William McKinley was President," Cheney said. The Vice President was serving in Congress in 1988 when Veterans Affairs was elevated to a cabinet level status. "On the day he signed the bill, President Ronald Reagan reminded the country that ‘America's debt to those who would fight for her defense doesn't end the day the uniform comes off.’" Secretary Nicholson, himself a Vietnam veteran, said that the nation is living up to the mandate President Reagan laid down, telling the crowd that no other country in the world approaches the United States in supporting its military veterans. "Not one." Jeff Schrade, Communications Director U.S. Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs Senator Larry Craig (R-Idaho), Chairman 412 Russell Senate Office Building Washington, DC 20510 Direct: 202-224-9093 Cell: 202-680-9552 Fax: 202-228-5655 http://veterans.senate.gov |
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STRATEGIC ALLIANCE SPAWNS PRACTITIONERS FATHERHOOD ROUNDTABLE PHOENIX, AZ. – 25 July 2005 – A strategic alliance between the Arizona Fathers and Families Coalition, Inc. (“AZFFC”) and BSI International, Inc. (“BSI”) has resulted in the creation of a Practitioners Fatherhood Roundtable. BSI’s international quarterly male parenting journal – IN SEARCH OF FATHERHOOD® Forum For and About the Fathers of the World will feature the first Practitioners Fatherhood Roundtable in its “Legacy”/Summer 2005 issue which will become available for distribution beginning on 31 July 2005. “I presented the concept of a ‘Practitioners Fatherhood Roundtable’ to the Managing Editor of BSI’s international quarterly male parenting journal in January 2005. The Practitioners Fatherhood Roundtable is one of a number of projects that BSI and AZFFC are collaborating on. Fathers in the Millennium throughout our global village are confronted with critical issues and challenges that are impediments to their ability to move their families forward and shape the minds and souls of their children. If we are going to aggressively and effectively address and remove these impediments, we will need to bring everyone to the table. That is why I feel it is necessary that Fatherhood Practitioners be brought to the table. And it is also the reason that I selected BSI’s international quarterly male parenting journal as the vehicle to accomplish this,” explained James C. Rodriguez, M.S.W. the President and Chief Executive Officer of AZFFC. So, who will be featured in the Practitioners Fatherhood Roundtable? Mr. Jeffrey P. Guillory, an Education Specialist in the Office of the Vice President for Equity and Diversity at Washington State University in Pullman, Washington; Jeffrey Leving, Esquire, a nationally acclaimed Father’s Rights lawyer based in Chicago, Illinois, a member of the National Board of Directors of Arizona Fathers and Families Coalition, Inc. and founder of the Fatherhood Educational Institute; Michael J. Lindsay, Ph.D., an Adjunct Professor in the Department of Psychology at The University of Texas at Arlington, a lecturer at the Texas Wesleyan School of Law, and adjunct faculty for the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges in Reno, Nevada; and Gary Wieser, Esquire who is the legal counsel AZFFC and provides free assistance for fathers referred by AZFFC for a one-time consultation. BSI INTERNATIONAL, INC. http://www.bsi-international.com Post Office Box 3885, Philadelphia, PA 19146 D.A. Sears Managing Editor (215) 878-0848; (215) 292-8522 James C. Rodriguez, M.S.W. Arizona Families and Fathers Coalition, Inc. http://www.azffc.org info@azffc.org |
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Hispanic Growth Surge Fueled by Births in U.S.
By D'Vera CohnWashington Post Staff Writer Hispanics accounted for about half the growth in the U.S. population since 2000, according to a Census Bureau report to be released today that indicates the nation's largest minority group is increasing its presence even faster than in the previous decade. In another contrast to the 1990s, births have overtaken immigration this decade as the largest source of Hispanic growth. The new census figures paint a portrait of a Hispanic population dominated by the young: Half are under age 27. By comparison, half of non-Hispanic whites are over 40. That reflects a demographic divide that could have broad implications, experts say. And the speedy growth of the Hispanic population beyond the enclaves of the past could put their concerns into a more national spotlight. "It's going to have profound effects on America. They are no longer regionally concentrated in places like California and New York," said Harry P. Pachon, president of the Tomas Rivera Policy Institute, a California think tank. "There are more Hispanics in Cook County, Chicago, than in Arizona or Colorado or New Mexico. . . . The major significance is that it's a national presence." In July 2004, Hispanics numbered 41.3 million out of a national population of nearly 293.7 million. They have the fastest growth rate among the nation's major racial and ethnic groups. In the 1990s, they accounted for 40 percent of the country's population increase. From 2000 to 2004, that figure grew to 49 percent. The census report does not include local details, but previous figures have shown Hispanics accounting for about a third of the Washington area's growth from 2000 to 2003 and making up 9 percent of the regional population. The Brookings Institution has dubbed Washington an area of Hispanic "hyper-growth" and noted that the District has a higher share of prosperous Hispanics than the rest of the country. Over the past two decades, the Hispanic population has swelled largely because of immigrants. Although immigration continues at a fast pace, the mix changed this decade, and new immigrants are now outnumbered by babies born in the United States and overwhelmingly likely to remain here. One in five children under 18 is Hispanic, according to the census figures. "It's due to the settling of immigrants having children here," said Jeffrey S. Passel of the Pew Hispanic Institute. But, he said, "over half of Hispanic adults are immigrants. It takes time for that to play itself out, but by the time today's children grow up, that will have changed." The future of those young people has become the topic of a debate among advocates and scholars, with some noting that Hispanics already have lower average education levels than other Americans and that their children could face a future at the bottom. Others contend that Hispanics will move up the ladder just as previous generations of immigrants have, citing the example of Italians who arrived here with little education. Beatriz Otero, founder of CentroNia, a D.C.-based organization that sponsors early childhood education, a charter school and after-school programs, said bilingual education programs were not designed for today's Hispanic children who enroll in her programs knowing some English but not having complete command of it. "The classic is the mom who immigrates here at 25 and had a 7-year-old. That 7-year-old went through the school system, had a baby at 19 and dropped out. Grandma may not speak English, mother has a mix, and what's the baby getting?" she said. "What we were designing 15 years ago in bilingual education programs, we are beginning to realize it's got to be a different design now. I'm not sure yet what that is." Experts have predicted the rise of the Hispanic voting bloc for years, but it has not happened. The Census Bureau recently reported that 47 percent of Hispanic citizens voted in last year's presidential election, compared with 60 percent of blacks and 67 percent of non-Hispanic whites. Part of the reason might be that Hispanics are younger and poorer than other voters, factors that are linked to lower turnout. Hispanic voting power also is lessened because millions of them are illegal immigrants. For Hispanics who do vote, political concerns will reflect the fact that they are more likely to be married and have children than other Americans and less likely to be in older age groups anxious about the future of Social Security, said Brookings Institution demographer William H. Frey. "They very much are going to be interested in children's issues and in schools and anything that involves the promise of a middle-class life to their children in the next generation," Frey said. "To many, what happens in their 65-plus years are very much on the back burner." Although the Pew Hispanic Center recently reported that competition between new and established immigrants is one reason Hispanics have seen a two-year decline in wages, Rodolfo de la Garza, a political science professor at Columbia University, does not think that they will line up behind proposals to restrict new arrivals. "Latinos may not be pro-immigration . . . but they don't want discrimination," he said. Hispanic population growth has fed some local tensions near sites where day laborers gather and debates over whether government benefits should be available to illegal immigrants. But it has also helped spur a cultural change in which young people grow up in a more diverse world than their parents did. "Interracial, interethnic dating isn't even a question," de la Garza said. "It's hard for people over 40 to really understand that. And people my age -- I'm 60 -- people were killed for that." |
Births to foreign-born mothers on the rise, study finds David B. Caruso, Associated Press July 7, 2005 Sent by Howard Shorr howardshorr@msn.com NEW YORK -— Nearly 23 percent of all people born in the U.S. in 2002 had a foreign-born mother — the largest percentage since a wave of immigration more than 90 years ago, a study of birth records by a private nonprofit group shows. The Center for Immigration Studies said the country has not seen as large a share of its children born to immigrants since 1910, when the number reached 22 percent as shiploads of Italians and eastern Europeans crowded America's port cities. This time, Hispanics are the driving force, according to the study being released today. Nearly 1 in 10 births in the United States in 2002 were to women born in Mexico. Hispanics, as a whole, accounted for 59 percent of all births by immigrants. The boom in second-generation Americans is bound to have an effect on the country that is equal, if not greater, than the sea-changes of the early 20th century, said Steven Camarota, the Center for Immigration Studies researcher who wrote the report. He said the influx of immigrants in the early 1900s was curtailed significantly by a tightening of entry rules and two world wars, and that no such cutoff appears imminent now. "It just tells you that we are headed into uncharted territory,'' Camarota said. The Center for Immigration Studies, which favors restrictions on immigration, compiled the data from birth records collected by The National Center for Health Statistics. The records include both legal and illegal immigrants, but do not indicate where a child's father was born. Children of immigrant mothers accounted for about 915,800 of the 4 million births in the United States in 2002. By comparison, 228,486 of the 3.7 million births in the U.S. in 1970 were to foreign-born mothers, or about 6 percent. Camarota said the growing size of immigrant communities could slow their assimilation into American culture and make it more difficult "to have a cohesiveness of national vision.'' Pro-immigration groups rejected that argument. "For 400 years, immigrants have come to our shores, worked hard, had families and built the most successful nation in history,'' said Frank Sharry, executive director of the National Immigration Forum. "The notion that we are going to be the one group that does not become American is ridiculous,'' said Lisa Navarrete, a spokeswoman for the National Council of La Raza, a Hispanic advocacy group. The push of immigrant communities into places that have not previously dealt with waves of newcomers, however, may create some temporary tensions, said William H. Frey, visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution. The greatest changes in recent years have come in places like Gwinnett County, Ga., a part of metropolitan Atlanta that has seen its Hispanic population soar over the past decade. In 1990, about 9.3 percent of all children born in the county had a mother born outside the United States. By 2002, that number had jumped to 41.3 percent. "There are some communities and state governments that will have challenges,'' Frey said, including retooling their school systems to deal with students who do not hear much English at home. Fifteen counties in the United States reported having more than half of all births to an immigrant mom. The leader was the borough of Queens, in New York City, with 67.7 percent. Other top homes to second-generation Americans included Los Angeles, with 56.3 percent, Miami-Dade County, with 58.9 percent, and Orange County, Calif., with 54.3 percent. |
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day to be American There were times when Fadil Beqiri didn't think he would see the day he could call himself an American. But on Monday he and wife Suzana took an oath of allegiance to the United States, waved the Stars and Stripes and sang along to America the Beautiful. "It's a good feeling," Beqiri (pronounced buh CHEER ee) said, ex-pressing the sentiments of 290 immigrants who became U.S. citizens in the gymnasium at South Mountain Community College before an arch of red, white and blue star-spangled balloons. The Phoenix ceremony is known as the Fiesta of Independence. The new citizens, who swore to "renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty," represented 65 countries of origin. The greatest number, 71, came from Mexico. Vietnam had 23; Bosnia Herzegovina. 20; Yugoslavia, 12; Taiwan, 10; People's Republic of China and United Kingdom, nine each; Canada, India and Romania, eight each. "It's a great day to be an American," said guest speaker Alfonso Aguilar, chief of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services' Office of Citizen-ship. "But I'll bet it's an even better day to be-come one."
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Latino Power? By Roberto Suro in the Washington Post Roberto Suro is director of the Pew Hispanic Center, a nonpartisan research organization supported by the Pew Charitable Trusts, June 26, 2005 Politicians and the news media seem entranced by Latino voters. The chairmen of both national parties addressed the annual convention of the National Association of Latino Elected Officials, which wrapped up its annual convention in Puerto Rico yesterday. President Bush appeared before the National Hispanic Prayer Breakfast earlier this month, and much of the buzz about the next Supreme Court nomination centers on whether a name with a lot of vowels will get sent up. Meanwhile the Democratic National Committee has produced a 60-second radio ad in Spanish trying to mobilize Latino voters against Bush's proposed changes in Social Security. "Call your member of Congress and tell him or her not to privatize Social Security and threaten the future of Hispanic retirees and their families," the ad says. The White House, for its part, has dispatched Anna Escobedo Cabral, a Mexican American who is the treasurer of the United States, to tout the administration's Social Security ideas. All this public wooing, and a good deal of behind-the-scenes strategizing, stems from a simple fact: The number of Latino votes in last November's election jumped 23 percent over those cast in the 2000 balloting. That was more than twice the growth rate for non-Hispanic whites, even though the election was marked by higher-than-normal turnout in a polarized white electorate. Moreover, all the trend lines point to continued growth in the Latino population in the future. Normally, in an article of this sort, this would be the place to deploy the "sleeping giant" metaphor, hailing the rise of a powerful new voting bloc that's changing the American political landscape. But the Latino population isn't a cliche; it can't be so easily characterized. The rapid increase in its size has not produced a corresponding growth in its political clout -- and won't for some time to come. Consider these contrasting pieces of information. The census report that made headlines a few weeks ago showed that Hispanics (that's the Census Bureau's official term) accounted for half of all the population growth in the United States over the past four years. But another, less heralded, census document showed that Hispanics accounted for only one-tenth of the increase in all votes cast in 2004 compared with the 2000 election. The growth of the Latino population as a whole may be gigantic, but only one out of every four Latinos added to the U.S. population is an added voter. That's why in close elections, politicians will focus their ardor on traditional groups, such as unions, churches or other ethnic groups, that can more effectively bring voters to the polls. Cultivating a solid Hispanic constituency will require a lengthy courtship. True, Latinos have made gains in elected positions, but the advances have been relatively modest. The first two Hispanic U.S. senators were elected last year, and the number of Hispanics in the House edged up to 27. But the Latinos who gain national prominence still tend to be the ones who have it bestowed upon them by white political patrons, such as President Bush's Attorney General Alberto Gonzales or President Bill Clinton's cabinet officers Henry Cisneros and Bill Richardson. There are two reasons why Latino population growth hasn't translated directly into political clout, according to a new report by the Pew Hispanic Center, a nonpartisan research organization where I work. First, a lot of Latinos aren't U.S. citizens. A third of the Latino population increase between 2000 and 2004 came from an influx of adult immigrants who cannot vote here. Under current law, most never will. About two-thirds of the new arrivals have come here illegally. The rest, who are legal immigrants, are facing backlogs and processing delays that have slowed the pace of naturalizations since 9/11. The other big source of population increases for Latinos comes from new births. Nearly a third of the Hispanic population growth since 2000 consists of people not eligible to vote because they are under 18 years of age. The vast majority of these individuals are native-born U.S. citizens, but it will be a long time before they are old enough to vote. About 80 percent of them will still be too young in 2008. The impact of these two demographic factors becomes evident when you compare how black and Hispanic population numbers translate into numbers of voters. In 2004, Hispanics outnumbered blacks by nearly 5 million in the population count, but blacks had nearly 7.5 million more eligible voters. To put it another way, eligible voters made up 39 percent of the Hispanic population compared with 64 percent of blacks. This demographic calculus calls for some caution when assessing the Latinopopulation's impact on American politics. Last month, when Antonio Villaraigosa became the first Latino mayor of Los Angeles since 1872, commentators rushed to proclaim a new era. "Latino Power," declared the headline on Newsweek's May 30 cover story, complete with a sleeping giant metaphor. Villaraigosa was credited with generating a record turnout among Latinos, but given the low baseline, it wasn't hard. When it comes to counting people in almost any category, Latinos break their own records every day. Villaraigosa's victory does not signal the arrival of a new ethnic colossus striding across the political landscape. Rather, it was a measure of widespread voter dissatisfaction with the incumbent, James K. Hahn, and of Villaraigosa's ability to draw votes from a variety of non-Hispanic constituencies. Latinos produced a quarter of the vote, according to Los Angeles Times exit polling. Sure, that was a record and by taking 84 percent of those votes, Villaraigosa helped assure himself of a landslide. But, Hispanics make up half of the city's population. So, even when a popular Latino is running for office in a city where Hispanics are well organized and have elected many representatives to other posts, low numbers of voters cut Latino power in half. Demographics aren't the only factors diluting the Hispanic presence at the polls. Last year, even though both major political parties, unions and nonpartisan groups all targeted Latinos with voter registration drives, Hispanics failed to fulfill their potential for political participation. Even among eligible voters, only 58 percent of Latinos were registered last year and that was significantly fewer than either whites (75 percent) or blacks (69 percent). Actual turnout in the 2004 presidential election also was lower for Hispanics than for other groups, albeit by a lesser margin. If Latinos had registered and voted at the same rate as whites of the same age, they would have cast an additional 2.7 million ballots, increasing their tally of 7.6 million votes by 36 percent. So part of the reason the metaphorical Latino giant is not a bigger player in the political game is because it is still half asleep. That's why fears among some Americans that Latinos are about to "take over" are overblown. The Latino presence is more and more visible on our streets and in our neighborhoods, but less visible in the political process. About half of all whites, even counting kids and immigrants, cast ballots last November, meaning it took two white residents to generate one voter. But because of a combination of lack of citizenship, a big youth population and voter apathy, only one-fifth of Hispanics went to the polls in 2004. In other words, it took five Latino residents to produce one voter. One side effect of this is that the average Latino voter doesn't have the same profile -- or the same interests -- as the average Latino resident. As with all racial and ethnic groups, registration and voting rates among Hispanics increase with age, education and income. But there is another factor unique to Hispanics; a higher share of voters were born here than in the Latino population as a whole. That means Hispanic voters and non-voters do not necessarily even speak the same language. In the general Hispanic population, the share of households where only Spanish is spoken is three times higher than among Hispanic voters. So it should come as no surprise that when it comes to matters of policy -- on immigration, trade or bilingual education -- Latino voters have a different point of departure than non-voting Latinos. Two recent issues exposed this divergence. Despite intense lobbying by the governments of several nations that have contributed millions of people to the U.S. Latino immigrant population, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus voted overwhelmingly in May to oppose the Central American Free Trade Agreement. The caucus, which is made up of Hispanic Democrats, opted for party loyalty and the perceived economic interests of the largely working-class Latino voters who put them in office over ethnic bonds to other countries. Similarly, when Mexican President Vicente Fox made remarks widely viewed as disparaging to blacks a few weeks ago, one of the quickest condemnations came from the National Council of La Raza. The nation's largest Latino civil rights organization hewed to core principles and long-standing alliances with black groups rather than cover for the leader of a country that is by far the largest source of new immigrants. These are signs of Hispanic politics taking root here. Hispanic political power is growing, just not as fast as one might expect from the population numbers. Moreover, as Latinos become a more prominent political presence, what we hear from them may not be what people expect. Author's e-mail: info@pewhispanic.org |
Hispanic kids go 'home' for summer Byline: Deborah Lynn Blumberg Contributor to The Christian Science http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0728/p12s03-lifp.html Sent by Howard Shorr howardshorr@msn.com (NEW YORK)Aroni Torres, a New York City high school student and Dominican immigrant, enjoys learning English. Part of him wants to connect more to his own language and culture though, especially in school. But even though Latinos are now the second-largest segment of the school-age population, Latino culture in school consists mostly of ethnic food festivals or dance assemblies. Some teens are even chastised for speaking their native Spanish in class, education experts say. So to stay connected to his language and culture, every summer and Christmas break Aroni moves in with his grandmother, who lives in Santo Domingo. There, he passes afternoons speaking Spanish with his abuela and exploring the country with childhood friends. "Over there I feel good speaking my language," he says. "Here, you're more embarrassed to speak in Spanish." For many families like the Torreses, sending children abroad for school breaks is a way to counter what some call a lack of cultural and linguistic sensitivity in public schools. Students hold on to their heritage and perfect their Spanish by living and often working with family abroad. While the exact number of students sent abroad is hard to know, anecdotal evidence suggests the practice is widespread, especially for Latino families. For years, upper- to middle-class Hispanics have sent children to relatives in Mexico and the Caribbean to maintain ethnic ties. Now, cheap airfares - and the fact that e-mail provides a way to stay in touch - allow more parents to ship children abroad. Latinos in their 20s and 30s say going back helped them form a strong sense of self. "When I got to college I met so many Latinos trying to 'find their roots,' " says Cesar Chavez, a New York litigation analyst who grew up in East Los Angeles and spent every school vacation with family in Mexico until he was 15. "I never understood the need for that. My confidence and assuredness about my ethnicity is a direct result of having stayed there so much. I never needed to 'learn' what it is to be Mexican; it was just a natural part of me. Recent immigrants and second- and third-generation youths who engage in this kind of visit also nurture relationships that might be lost otherwise, says researcher and education specialist Angela Valenzuela of the University of Texas at Austin. "This is one strategy parents pursue in the absence of a multicultural or multilingual experience in school," she says. "[Children] solidify those relationships that are so crucial and break down when language becomes a barrier in one's own family." Latino students are the immigrant group most likely to preserve their parents' linguistic legacy, but less than half of them are bilingual in today's schools. They are also the majority of ESL students. In 2001, almost 3 million US students were enrolled in programs for English language learners; almost 75 percent hailed from Spanish-speaking nations. "Public education systems are not doing a very effective job in dealing with and accommodating this very significant demographic change," says Charles Kamasaki, senior vice president of Raza, a leading Hispanic advocacy group. Schools with big Latino populations could better serve them by adding books popular in the Spanish-speaking world, such as "Don Quixote," to reading lists, Mr. Kamasaki says. But such accommodations are few, so families have taken matters into their own hands. More than a quarter of the families served by ASPIRA, a national nonprofit that serves Latino youths, send children abroad during school breaks, says Hilda Crespo, ASPIRA's vice president for public policy, and more would if they could afford to. "They do it not just for the cultural aspect," she says, "but for the language as well." In a study of immigrant children in Florida and southern California, researchers Alejandro Portes and Ruben Rumbaut found that children who were fluent bilinguals early in high school had much higher educational aspirations and self-esteem three years later. Bilingualism may also improve communication between immigrant youths and their parents and so reduce intergenerational conflict. Bilingual education has largely been eliminated in California. Proposition 227, a 1998 ballot initiative, replaced bilingual programs with English-only instruction. Under 227, parents can sign waivers to keep children in bilingual classes; in some schools, 100 percent of parens signed. Proponents tout the proposition's benefits: "The results have been very positive," says Ron Unz, author of Prop. 227 and head of One Nation/One California, an organization that supports English-only instruction. "Latino students have doubled their academic performance." Mr. Unz, who has spearheaded campaigns to dismantle bilingual programs in Arizona, Colorado, and Massachusetts, calls bilingual education a break with the past; until recently, he says, immigrants were taught only in English. "That seemed to work out pretty well," he says. Unz wouldn't be surprised if, after two or three generations, most Latino youths speak English only, he says. Recent young immigrants struggle to read and write in Spanish as they mature, even though they still speak the language. "A lot of Italians in this country don't speak much Italian," he points out, "and maybe they say, 'Oh, I wish I knew more,' but they don't seem to be that upset about it. Most immigrant Latino families come from homes where everyone watches Spanish TV and listens to Spanish radio." Many Latino students nationwide report feeling disconnected from their language and culture, though. Carlos Mantinez, a Dominican classmate of Torres's says he looks forward to school breaks in the Dominican Republic - it's a treat to spend time in a place he feels comfortableconversing in Spanish, he says. "Here in school, I speak mainly English," he says. "When I'm in my country, I'm speaking Spanish and I'm happy." |
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Inspiring, heartwarming, intelligent, and
humorous, this special story collection celebrates Latino life and
community across the country. Whether your roots are in Mexico, Central
or South America, the Caribbean or the Iberian Peninsula, the stories in
this volume will remind you of the pride, hope and joy of being part of
the Latino community in America. With stories that explore culture and
identity, and that celebrate families, spirituality, living in two
languages, crossing borders and overcoming life’s challenges, each
chapter focuses on the uniqueness of Latino experiences and
traditions. Sent by Margarita Velez, whose story is included. Available at all major bookstores and online retail outlets. To order
direct, 800-441-5569 $12.95 Contact: |
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PHILOSOPHICAL COMMENTS ABOUT DOING TIME AND WHY
For the most part we are creatures of habit. We fall into lethargy evoked by idle thoughts, wishful thinking, and capricious flight of the imagination. We shun the discipline of constructive thought, hold in contempt the doctrines of restraint, hence we become automations, mechanical things. Finally it becomes a conditioned reflex, or process, a fixation of habit to which we have fallen prey. It is at this juncture we lose our identity as worthwhile human beings. Here lies the fatal turning point of disintegration. We lamentably isregard that great dowry bequeathed to us, the element of time. The present is the meeting ground, the breathing spell between rounds. When I am free I will want to forget this experience, but God deliver me from ever forgetting completely. For some it is so hard to remember, for me may it be so hard to forget! May the white heat of this hour brand itself within my very soul so that I will remember always. You know, sometimes I look at all these guys around me and wonder what it’s all about. So many of them are lost, and the ironic tragedy is, they don’t know it. They’ve fooled themselves so long that it’s hard for them to accept reality. Who is to blame for it all? Maybe them, and maybe not. Some one Failed somewhere, that’s certain. I never thought I’d share a portion of my life with them, but I have, and it has given me a more tolerant philosophy toward my fellow man. I have learned that we humans condemn and judge too quickly. Life is like a painting. You can’t judge it until it is completed, and all the colors, light and dark have been mixed. Tomorrow, maybe, we will change those colors to blend with the rainbow. It’s a worthwhile dream, it’s the dream that keeps me going. Dave Villarreal
jakewinters@msn.com |
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The King and a Bracero Sang a Duet Andy Porras Column No. 4074 HISPANIC LINK 05/22/05 Column 2 Length: 725 words For entertainment section Hollywood missed a great opportunity to capture part of the lucrative Hispanic market when it recently aired a TV movie based on the life and times of Elvis Presley. Or maybe it just didn’t know. You see, once upon a time, in 1956 in Lubbock, Texas, The King and young bracero Pedro Gómez teamed up for a duet of “Love Me Tender.” The latest flurry of interest in Elvis no doubt brought back memories to the former bracero, if the publicity has reached central Mexico, where Gómez now resides. Some of the Gómez offspring, who live in Woodland, Calif., were surprised last fall when a bilingual newspaper, CAlifas, published a story based on the unique encounter between Gómez and Presley. According to Carlos Marentes, of the El Paso-based project Proyecto Bracero, Gómez was on his second contracted year as a contract farm laborer. About 21 years old, he worked alongside his father, Pedro Gómez Domínguez, on a ranch in Levelland, Texas. At that time Pedro knew some English. His girlfriend, Manuela Rivera, was teaching him little by little, according to Marentes, and she had written down the English lyrics to Elvis’ "Love Me Tender" for Pedro to memorize. By Marentes’ account, Pedro learned and delivered the song just as good as The King himself. Pedro accompanied his father and other braceros to Lubbock, where they would periodically buy food, visit a barber, and of course, send money back to Mexico. Some of them would attend a movie. The more temerarious would seek a tavern that allowed Mexicans and would drink a few beers before heading back to their labor camps. “It turned out that the main movie house in Lubbock was showing the film ‘Love Me Tender’ and as a special attraction Elvis would be there live,” said Marentes. “Pedro immediately sought his father's permission to go and see Elvis in person.” The senior Pedro did not think it was too good of an idea, but still gave his permission, counseling his son to “stay out of trouble” while visiting the West Texas town where Buddy Holly was born. “The theater was packed and young ladies went hysterical every time they heard Elvis’ name or his voice,” recounted Marentes. “It’s safe to assume that Pedro was probably the only Mexican in attendance, and certainly the only bracero there.” Festive and noisy, the ambiance betrayed the true feeling of a conservative town in the Texas panhandle. “When Elvis came out from behind the curtain to perform at intermission, a collective roar shook the entire theater and when he greeted the crowd, everyone stood,” Marentes recounted. The applause and the shouting was deafening as the young ladies in the front row were screaming and extending their arms towards their hero, trying to touch him.” Some cried. Several fainted. Then Elvis called for silence. He asked the crowd if anyone would like to come up and join him in singing the theme song from the film, Marentes continues the story. Pedro waved his arms franticly and screamed, "Yes, I do, I do!" The very energy of the crowd forced Pedro onto the stage. Elvis greeted him and asked if he spoke English. The boy nervously answered, ”Little bit!” “The young bracero was star-struck. It all seemed like a dream,” said Marentes. ”Elvis asked him a few more questions and when Pedro told him he was a Mexican bracero, some in the crowd began screaming, “Viva Mexico” until finally the entire audience applauded.” Elvis and Pedro did the song, and what may have been the most bizarre duet in rock and roll history came to pass. The crowd went even wilder as the duo finished their number. It was total euphoria, Marentes went on. As sheriff’s deputies struggled to rescue Elvis from his admirers, “Pedro was spinning, and he escaped as best he could.” The young man’s father, waiting across the street from the theater, immediately asked his son, "Is it true you got up on stage to sing?” Pedro nodded politely. And like the good son he was, he assured his father he was not violating his bracero contract. Andy Porras, a native Texan now residing in Sacramento, Calif., is editor and publisher of the bilingual news magazine “CAlifas,” a family enterprise. He may be contacted by e-mail at andyporras@yahoo.com Article appeared in Hispanic Link: http://www.hispaniclink.org/newsservice/columns/4074e.htm Go to Anti-Spanish Legends for more by Andy Porras. |
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According to 2002 Census figures released yesterday, Hispanics continued
to own the most companies among minorities: 1.6 million, a 31% increase
from 1997. You may unsubscribe at |
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Latinas
going solo Hispanic women are opening businesses at a rate far higher than the national average, a new study shows.
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To entrepreneur Tina Cordova, the reason is obvious: economic desperation. While white women in the work force make about 77 cents to every dollar earned by white men, according to data from the 2000 census, Hispanic women are paid 53 cents. With numbers like those, Cordova, the president, majority shareholder and chief executive of Queston Construction in Albuquerque, N.M., said it was no wonder that so many Hispanic and other minority women plunge into entrepreneurship. Steward had owned a construction company, but it failed because it lacked a good administrator, Cordova said. With Cordova's administrative skills and Steward's project-rnanagement experience, the couple decided they had the ingredients for a new company. To learn the ropes, Cordova worked as a laborer on construction sites with Steward and her two carpenters, at first lugging wood and tools but eventually becoming one of the first women in New Mexico to earn a contractor's license. Another challenge was raising money. She did not know any bankers and was repeatedly turned down for loans. She could not even get a $5,000 loan for a used truck, and instead bought an older one with $1,200 from her savings. The decision to buy a small fooling company turned their venture around. Cordova started selling new roofs along with the remodeling jobs, and the added profit enabled her to employ Steward full time and buy a property, an office trailer and work space. Even then, to her great frustration, the bankers would not loosen their purse strings. Steward helped Cordova master the roofing business, but some people were not convinced that a woman could succeed in construction. She said one potential client told her he would never buy a roof from a woman. When another customer-asked why the company hadn't sent a man to give an estimate, Cordova told him that she owned the business, was the most educated person in the company and knew just as much about roofing as the men who worked for her. "And it was really bizarre ;because he bought the roof ! from me that day, which rarely ; happens," she said. Even without outside capital, the company flourished and today employs 28 full-time I workers. Queston still does residential work but now gets most of its business from government contracts - a result of her direct, aggressive marketing. Cordova, who missed just five days of work while battling thyroid cancer six years ago, said her talent lay in turning what appeared to be disadvantages into advantages. "If I had listened to every-body who told me we wouldn't make it, of course, we wouldn't be here today," she said. She said entrepreneurs need to be stubborn but should not stick rigidly to business plans. "I wish I could say I had this business plan, we followed it and everything just fell into place," she said. "That is not true. Because it's more often than not being in the right place at, the right time. I started a business at the right time." |
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The Orange County Register 11-12-04
Who: The Center for Women's Business Research is a
nonprofit research group based in Washington, D.C. It has provided data
on women's business to policy-makers since 1989. • Businesses owned by women drive economic health in
top metropolitan areas. Methodology for 'women of color' report: Estimates derived from the Census Bureau's most recent published data in the "1997 Survey of Minority-Owned Business Enterprises" as well as supplemental unpublished census data. The estimates are projections based on a linear model ex-tending 1992-1997 growth into 2004. Web site: http://www.womensbusinessresearch.orq
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Social Security Risk Greater for Hispanics http://www.hispanicbusiness.com/news/newsbyid.asp?fpa=0&id=24045, Source: San Antonio Express-News June 30, 2005 Sent by Rafael Ojedo rsnojeda@aol.com Lisa Marie Gomez Latinos disproportionately benefit from Social Security because they tend to earn less money over their lifetimes, live longer, have larger families and are more likely to suffer a disability than any other racial or ethnic group, according to a study released Tuesday. That's why any proposal to reform Social Security that cuts benefits, or replaces it with private investment accounts, has the potential to hit the Latino community hardest, according to the findings of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in Washington. The report, titled "Hispanics and Social Security: The Implications of Reform Proposals," examined various proposals to revamp the current system, which has been in place for more than 70 years. Saying that the system's long-range viability is in jeopardy, President Bush has called for allowing younger workers to shift some of their payroll taxes into private investment accounts. Many Democrats oppose such a plan because they believe it would be a first step toward privatizing Social Security. "We hope from this report that we will point out in an objective manner why Social Security is so crucial as the safety net for the Latino community as a whole and as a retirement plan for older Latinos," said Fernando Torres-Gil, a co-author of the report and director of the UCLA Center for Policy Research on Aging. He also hopes that over coming months and years, Latinos make it a point to understand the proposed changes to Social Security and their potential impact. Places with large Hispanic populations such as Los Angeles, Miami, the Rio Grande Valley and San Antonio, which has a Latino population of almost 60 percent, should pay close attention to the various proposals to reform Social Security, the Center found. If Social Security doesn't continue to provide a basic safety net for Latinos, the responsibility will fall on others. "Those municipalities have to be concerned as to the extent that their elderly Latinos find that their reliance on Social Security becomes tenuous, then those communities will be forced to pick up the slack," Torres-Gil said. Andy Hernandez, director of the 21st Century Leadership Center at St. Mary's University, said the kind of changes being proposed to reform Social Security would have a direct impact on the economy of San Antonio. "This study is more evidence that we should go slow," said Hernandez, an expert on Latino political affairs. "People really need to study the question (of whether Social Security should be changed) because sometimes changes aren't for the better." It's harder for Latinos to invest in a 401(k) or other pension plan because they often have jobs lacking such benefits. "Latinos are very entrepreneurial," Torres-Gil said. "This is a population that is more likely to have a small business, to work in service industries, or agriculture where they're less likely to have a defined benefit plan and/or opportunities for a defined contribution plan." Not to mention undocumented workers, who get Social Security money taken out of their paychecks, but never see that money again, he said. |
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| Rooting Out Injustice in the Forestry Industry Sent by Howard Shorr To: howardshorr@msn.com June 27, 2005 -- A lawsuit filed by the Southern Poverty Law Center's Immigrant Justice Project seeks to change how the forestry industry treats migrant laborers like Escolastico De Leon Granados. By Carrie Kilman | Staff Writer, Tolerance.org In his native Guatemala, Escolastico De Leon Granados worked odd jobs: as a day laborer at a coffee plant, as a handyman around town. "There is no other way to earn money there," he says. He owns land but struggled to earn enough money to feed his family. In 1997, Escolastico gave more than $1,000 and the deed to his land to a recruiter for Eller and Sons, a Georgia-based forestry contractor, in exchange for a temporary work visa and a plane ticket to the United States. Each year since, he leaves his wife and four children and travels to the United States for eight-month stints to plant pine and oak trees in Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee. He comes, he says, "to earn money so our family can live better." But it hasn't quite worked out that way. Bordering on slavery Earlier this month, Escolastico became the lead plaintiff in a class-action lawsuit, filed by the Southern Poverty Law Center's Immigrant Justice Project, against Eller and Sons, the largest forestry contractor in the nation. It's the third such lawsuit filed by the Immigrant Justice Project this year. Escolastico is one of an estimated 40,000 to 50,000 migrant tree planters working in the southeastern United States — more workers than any other crop in the region. Coming from places like Guatemala, Mexico and Honduras, the workers — typically poor and male — are lured here by the promise of wages better than what they could earn in their home countries. And they come here legally, on H-2B visas allowing U.S. companies to import temporary labor when they can't find workers in the United States. Migrant forestry workers typically work up to 12 hours a day, six or seven days a week. They earn about $25 for every 1,000 trees planted and usually plant between 1,500 and 3,000 trees a day. It is arduous labor, requiring workers to dig a hole, plant a seedling, pack down the dirt, and move eight feet to the next planting site an average of once every 10 seconds. The law guarantees H-2B tree-planters overtime pay, reimbursement for travel expenses and visa fees, and an hourly "prevailing wage," usually $8 to $10 an hour, depending on the state. Yet H-2B forestry workers usually earn between $200 and $300 a week, roughly equivalent to $3 to $5 an hour for a 60-hour work week. This is because forestry contractors almost never comply with the law, say immigration advocates. And, because the contractors control the visas and often require deeds in exchange for jobs, workers almost never complain. "People don't have freedom of movement because of the huge power the employer has over them," says Greg Schell, a lawyer with the Florida Migrant Farmworker Justice Project who's worked with migrant laborers for more than 20 years. "Forestry workers are probably the single most neglected group of migrant workers in the country." It's a system, Schell says, that "borders on slavery." Fighting for our families Escolastico wears a faded plaid shirt and a "Korean Veteran" baseball cap over curly dark-brown hair. He is 34 years old, the father of two boys and two girls, ages 4 to 11. He speaks almost no English, although he says he hopes someday to learn. Like other forestry workers, Escolastico receives an H-2B visa to plant trees from November to July. Then he returns home for four months, before returning to Georgia to repeat the cycle. Through an interpreter, he says he came to the United States "to watch out for my family. ... They told me the work would be hard. My people work in the fields and it's always hard — we expect it and can handle it. But it was much worse than we thought it would be." During the planting season, Escolastico's crew of 15 to 25 men travels from site to site across the Southeast, living in motels with four to six men to a room. "We leave the motel at 5 or 6 (a.m.)," he says. "We go to the cooler to pick up the saplings to plant that day. Sometimes we would have to drive two or three hours to get to the field. Then we plant all day, as long as it's light outside." Eller and Sons provides the tools, but deducts the cost from workers' paychecks. Workers are required to return the tools at the end of the planting season and buy them back when they return each November. Escolastico plants more than 1,000 trees a day and makes roughly $240 a week. At the end of each growing season, he's able to send about $500 home. When he's in the U.S., Escolastico calls home once a week. "It's hard for the kids, because their fathers aren't at home with them," he says. "The majority of men in my town are here, working to make things better for their families, fighting for the lives of our children." No free passes The lawsuit against Eller and Sons claims the company has systematically denied its workers millions of dollars in wages, overtime pay and reimbursed travel expenses. The company has until July 5 to respond. Mary Bauer, director of the SPLC's Immigrant Justice Project, said the forestry industry was targeted "because it's so universally bad. There are a lot of industries where immigrant workers get treated badly, but forestry really stands out because violations of the law are really the norm." Part of the problem, Bauer says, is the competitive bidding process forcing forestry contractors to cut costs in order to win contracts with large timber companies like International Paper and Weyerhaeuser. Adds Schell: "You cannot pay your workers properly and stay in business. It's impossible. If all the timber contractors got together and said, 'No we're going to insist on a price that will allow us to follow the law and pay our workers,' then things would change." That's exactly what Bauer hopes will happen. In addition to the suit against Eller and Sons, the Immigrant Justice Project recently filed two others, against Arkansas-based Express Forestry and Idaho-based Alpha Services. "We want to use these lawsuits to reform the forestry industry, to pressure companies to change," she says. "We're saying that you don't get a free pass because you choose to hire immigrants. You don't get to exploit people and treat them this way." Knowing their rights Escolastico decided to participate in the lawsuit, he says, "so that others will see our struggle." Yet he knows his participation comes with a risk. "I don't think they will give us a visa again," he says. "But I already decided that if that happens, I will go (back to Guatemala) and work there and do good things for my country." Through the lawsuit, Escolastico says he hopes tree planters will win back the money they deserve. But more than that, he says he hopes it will teach other migrant workers that they can organize for equal rights. "I want to win something of what we're fighting for," he says. "If we don't, some of our co-workers will say, 'That didn't really do anything for us.' But if we win, the community will want to fight for our rights." Escolastico learned about the lawsuit when outreach workers from the Immigrant Justice Project visited the motel where he and his crew were staying. "I learned I had a right to be paid fairly," he says. "I didn't know I had the right to receive money for travel expenses. I didn't know I was supposed to be getting paid per hour. I felt a support from them (the outreach workers) that was reassuring — I felt more motivated to do something about the injustice." |
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Into
The Mix According to the U.S. Census, minorities are starting businesses in the country at a rate three times faster than whites. …And growing power The average Hispanic household makes about 29 percent less than the national average of $58,000 but that's changing. Here's a projection of Hispanics' growing market clot, billions of dollars: Growing income… Total income of Hispanic households in the United States is projected to grow from about $470 billion in 2002 to about $670 billion five years form now, with families of Mexican origin accounting for the biggest share.
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| Hispanic Link Weekly Report July, 4, 2005 Vol. 23 No.26 Ad
money up in Latino media:
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Building Blocks of the Anti-Spanish Legends |
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La China Poblana and Spanish Bandidos
Ophelia Marquez Californiano wants to set the records straight Susan Sanchez Lobedan Making more people aware of our real history Andy Porras Unless we write our own history we'll get left out Sergio Hernandez |
La China Poblana It was very early in my research that it became obvious that there was a general anti-Spanish sentiment running throughout most of the English language history books, whether the books were written by non-Hispanics, or Hispanics. The Spanish were the bad guys. The English were the good guys. Since the educated Latino was reading the history written by American historians, it is no wonder that educated Mexican Americans authors became prejudice against their own Spanish heritage. Current media greatly reflects that prejudice. Since documentaries have their base in researching those early history books, the anti-Spanish/Hispanic sentiments remain. The most damaging aspect is the matter of fact manner in which very negative statements about the colonizing Spanish are made, as if they are historical fact. I have frequently shared evidence and incidents of the general anti-Spanish sentiment with Ophelia Marquez one of the founders of SHHAR, sometimes with tears of frustration. Below is a perfect example of how a supposedly historical fact is heavily embedded with anti-Spanish sentiment. The writer takes the liberty of offering a general all-inclusive statement that the motivation of the Spanish was greed and a desire to be engaged in destruction. Further summarizing that the character of the Spanish was that of a bandido. Extract from: La China Poblana by Louise A. Stinetorf Sent by Ophelia Marquez
La China Poblana was published by the BOBBS-MERRILL Company, Inc., a
subsidiary of Howard W. Same & Co, Inc.
Indianapolis, New York. Although this book was written in 1960 , current examples are all around us. This
was the author's 7th book. |
Thanks for your work. I am a member of Los Californianos, tracing my ancestory to 4 members of the De Anza expedition which traveled on foot, to colonize Yerba Buena (San Francisco) 1775-76. I don’t think most Americans realize the history of California. They assume that it was inhabited by Native Americans until it became part of the United States. If they know anything at all
about the Spanish, Mexican history, it is probably that ‘we were good
at fighting Indians’, ‘our favorite pastime was to watch gory bear
& bull
fights’ and that our female ancestors, even at their weddings,"wore low-cut dresses". My
great-great-great grandfather, Francisco DeHaro, served as private
Secretary to Governor Arguelo of California accompanying him on
explorations of the North Fork of the Columbia River in 1831, and was
elected to serve as the first Alcalde (Mayor) of Yerba Buena in 1834.
Under his direction, the first survey of the Port of San Francisco was
made. He was the owner of Rancho Laguna de la Merced, comprising 2219
acres; part of present-day San Francisco and San Mateo counties.
Although the DeHaro family was the ‘patented’ land owner of Rancho
Laguna de la Merced, squatters successfully took over the Rancho land in
anticipation of the Homestead Act. This, too, was the "Heyday of
the (Mexican) Ranchos". Please
continue your valuable work to set the record straight.
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| New reader, Andy Porras, CAlifas
editor wants to opens awareness . . . . Welcome on board!! Wow! !Ijole! What a terrific job you'all are doing in recovering our early hidden Hispanic history! Yo soy Andy Porras, former teacher, activist, speaker and writer. Currently, I am publisher and editor of CAlifas, a bilingual monthly up here in the Sacramento area. For more of my stuff, you can Google-up my name and you can read |