RACIAL AND CULTURAL IDENTITY IN MEXICO: 2015

By John P. Schmal

Mexico’s 2015 Intercensal Survey

In 2016, the Mexican government agency, Instituto Nacional de Estadística Geografía e Informática (INEGI), published the 2015 Intercensal Survey, which upgraded Mexico’s socio-demographic information to the midpoint between the 2010 census and the census to be carried out in 2020. With a sample size of over 6 million homes, this survey provides information on the national, state and municipio level, as of March 15th, 2015.

Considered Indigenous Classification

One of the 2015 survey questions asked, “De acuerdo, con su cultura, se considera indígena?” Essentially, Mexican residents were being asked if they considered themselves indigenous through their culture. Survey respondents had four possible responses:

1. Sí (Yes)
2. Sí, en parte (Yes, in part)
3. No
4. No sabe (Do not know)

Based on the responses to this question, eight Mexican states in 2015 had populations that considered one-third or more of their people to be of indigenous descent, as noted below:

Nearly two-thirds of the populations of both Oaxaca and Yucatán considered themselves to be indigenous. In all, 16 states had an indigenous population of over 20%.  On the other hand, the state with the lowest percentage of persons considered indigenous was Tamaulipas (6.3%), followed by two other northern Mexican states: Nuevo León (6.9%) and Coahuila (6.9%).

Across all states, the survey reported that 21.5% of all Mexicans considered themselves to be of indigenous descent, which means that more than one-fifth of the entire population of the nation recognized its indigenous origins. A table at the end of this article illustrates the survey results for all the Mexican states and the Distrito Federal (DF).

The Indigenous-Speaking Population

The 2015 census count told a different story with regards to the population of persons 3 years of age and older who spoke Indigenous languages. While 21.5 percent of Mexican residents recognize that their culture and physical appearance has been inherited from indigenous ancestors, a much smaller percent of people actually speak an indigenous language: 6.5%.

Another question in the 2015 survey asked each participant if they spoke an indigenous dialect or language. Only persons 3 years of age and older were considered for this category.

Not a single state had a population of indigenous speakers that exceeded one-third of its total population. Only Oaxaca — with 32.2% of its people speaking indigenous languages — approached the one-third mark.  As a matter of fact, only eight states actually had populations of 10% or more who spoke indigenous languages, as noted below:

A table at the end of this article illustrates the survey results for all the Mexican states and the Distrito Federal (DF).

Afromexican Population

Still another 2015 survey question asked “De acuerdo con su cultura, historia y tradiciones, se considera negra(o), es decir, afromexicana(o) o afrodescendiente?” Essentially, each Mexican resident was asked if, according to their culture, history and traditions, they considered themselves to be black (i.e., an Afromexican or Afro-descendant). Once again, each respondent had four possible answers.

The survey revealed that only nine states had Afromexican populations that exceeded 0.5%, as illustrated in the following table:

While census data from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries indicate that many African slaves labored throughout Mexico in the colonial period, assimilation with Spaniards, mestizos and Indians over time had reduced their cultural influence on present-day populations in Mexico.

Principal Indigenous Languages

The principal languages spoken in Mexico in 2015 are shown in the following table, which shows the states of origin for each language:

As in past censuses, Náhuatl, the language of the Aztecs, continued to be the language of almost one-quarter of all indigenous speakers in Mexico. Thanks to the widespread migration of laborers from one part of Mexico to another, many of these “Top Ten” languages are spoken in a wide range of states, some of which are far the original homeland of the language.  

Mexican Migration from Place of Origin

According to the 2015 Intercensal Survey, with the information on the place of birth of each survey respondent, INEGI reported that 17.4% of Mexican residents throughout the country were either born in an entity other than the entity in which they resided, or were born abroad (i.e., U.S., Guatemala, etc.).

According to the 2015 Survey, the following states have the largest percentage of their populations born in another entity (Mexican state or the Distrito Federal) or another country:

Ø  Quintana Roo (54.1%)

Ø  Baja California (44.1%)

Ø  Baja California Sur (39.6%)

Ø  Estado de México (33.7%)

Ø  Colima (28.7%)

Ø  Morelos (27.3%)

Ø  Querétaro (25.4%)

Ø  Campeche (24.0%)

Ø  Tamaulipas (23.1%)

Ø  Nuevo León (21.2%)

The states with the least percent of people born in another country or state were Chiapas (3.4%), Guerrero (4.9%) and Oaxaca (6.2%).

Migration and Indigenous Languages

If the high level of migration continues in many parts of Mexico, Indigenous languages will continue to be spread across the entire Mexican Republic. However, with new generations of children and grandchildren adapting to new cultural environments, it is also possible that some of the descendants of these migrants will no longer speak their mother tongue and will become more comfortable with the Spanish language.

Linguistic and Ethnic Identity in Mexico

The following table contains 2015 Intercensal Survey data relating to populations that speak indigenous languages or identity themselves to be of Indigenous or Afromexican descent. The table has been sorted by indigenous identity (the first row):

Sources:

INEGI, “Principales resultados de la Encuesta Intercensal 2015. Estado Unidos Mexicanos.”

Online:

http://www.beta.inegi.org.mx/contenidos/proyectos/enchogares/especiales/intercensal/2015/doc/eic2015_resultados.pdf

INEGI, “Principales resultados de la Encuesta Intercensal 2015. Estado Unidos Mexicanos:  III: Etnicidad.” Online:

http://www.senado.gob.mx/comisiones/asuntos_indigenas/eventos/docs/etnicidad_240216.pdf

INEGI, “Encuesta Intercensal 2015: Cuestionario para viviendas particulares habitadas y población.” Online: http://www.beta.inegi.org.mx/contenidos/proyectos/enchogares/especiales/intercensal/2015/doc/eic2015_cuestionario.pdf

MEXICO’S 1921 CENSUS: A UNIQUE PERSPECTIVE

By John P. Schmal (© 2007)

In the aftermath of the Mexican revolution, Mexico’s Departamento de la Estadística Nacional administered a census that would be unique among Mexico’s census counts administered between 1895 and 2005. In this new census, the Mexican Government decided to ask Mexicans about their perception of their own racial heritage. In the 1921 census, residents of the Mexican Republic were asked if they fell into one of the following categories:

1. "Indígena pura" (of pure indigenous heritage).
2. "Indígena mezclada con blanca" (of mixed indigenous and white heritage).
3. "Blanca" (of White or Spanish heritage).
4. "Extranjeros sin distinción de razas" (Foreigners without racial distinction).
5. "Cualquiera otra o que se ignora la raza" (Either other or chose to ignore the race)

States With the Largest "Indígena Pura" Population

The results were a remarkable reflection of México’s own perception of its indigenous and mestizo identities. Although only three states had more than 50% pure indigenous populations (Oaxaca, Puebla and Tlaxcala), a total of eight states had more than 40% of the same classification (Oaxaca, Puebla, Tlaxcala, Chiapas, Guerrero, Campeche, Yucatán, and México).

The five states with the largest populations of "indígena pura" were:

The Most Indigenous State: Oaxaca

The most indigenous state, in terms of absolute numbers and percentage was Oaxaca, in which

675,119 persons out of 976,005 inhabitants were classified as indígena. In effect, this meant that 69.17% of Oaxaca’s population had a pure indigenous identity.

Not all of "pure indigenous" population of Oaxaca, however, spoke indigenous languages. Only 482,478 individuals five years of age or more spoke thirty indigenous languages. This represented 49.43% of the population five years of age and older and 57.18% of the entire state population. [Children up to the age of four in indigenous households were not included in the tally of languages.]

Another 274,752 residents of Oaxaca described themselves as "mezclada," representing an additional 28.1% of the population. The combination of the indigenous and mezclada categories represented 949,871 individuals who had possessed some element of indigenous descent and represented 97.32% of the entire state population.

As a matter of contrast, only 13,910 persons were categorized as "blanca," while another 11,124 did not claim a designation and 1,100 were "extranjeros" (foreigners).

The Second Most Indigenous State: Puebla

The State of Puebla had the second largest "pure indigenous" population, with 560.971 (who represented 54.73% of the entire state population). In addition, 403,221 residents of Puebla were classified as mezclada, representing another 39.34% of the population. Puebla had the sixth largest number of mezclada inhabitants. Combining the pure indigenous with the mezclada element, we can estimate that 964,192 persons were of some indigenous origin, representing 94.07% of the total state population of 1,024,955.

As with Oaxaca, however, a smaller element of the population spoke native tongues. In all, 247,392 individuals five years of age and older spoke a wide range of indigenous languages, representing only 24.14% of the entire state population.

Puebla had a much higher number of blanca residents: a total of 58,032 inhabitants, who made up 5.66% of the state population.

The Third Most Indigenous State: Veracruz

Veracruz has the third largest "indígena pura" population with 406,638, representing 35.06% of the state population. Veracruz also had the fourth-highest number of mezclada residents: 556,472 (or 47.97%). Combining the two indigenous classifications, we observed that 963,110 persons out of a total population of 1,110,971 claimed some indigenous descent and that this group represented 86.69% of the state population.

In striking contrast, however, only 120,746 residents of Veracruz spoke indigenous languages, representing 10.87% of the state population and 12.62% of residents five years of age or more.

The Fourth Most Indigenous State: México

The State of México had the fourth largest indígena pura population, 372,703, equal to 42.13% of the state population. Together with the mestizo/mezclada population, which numbered 422,001 (47.70% of the state population), the total population with an indigenous heritage was 794,704, or 89.84% of the population.

In stark contrast, only 172,863 residents of the State of México spoke indigenous languages, representing only 19.54% of the total state population.

Other states with significant numbers of indígena pura population are as follows:

5. Guerrero - 248,526 persons (43.84%)

6. Hidalgo – 245,704 persons (39.49%)

7. Chiapas – 200.927 persons (47.64%)

8. Jalisco – 199,728 persons (16.76%)

9. Michoacán – 196,726 persons (20.93%)

10. Distrito Federal– 169,820 (18.75%)

11. Yucatán – 155,155 persons (43.31%)

12. San Luis Potosí – 136,365 persons (30.60%)

13. Tlaxcala – 97,670 persons (54.70%)

Because the populations of the various states vary widely, the percentage of pure indigenous persons in a given state provide us with a different set of results. The contrast between absolute numbers and percentages of the pure indigenous population was largely contingent on the population of each state. For example, Tlaxcala actually had the third largest percentage of indígena pura inhabitants but, because of its small population, was in thirteenth place in terms of percentage.

And Jalisco’s largely pure indigenous population of 199,728 represented only 16.76% of its total population of 1,191,957. Jalisco, as a matter of fact, had the largest population of any state in México, followed closely by Veracruz (1,159,935), Puebla (1,024,955) and the Distrito Federal (906,063).

States With the Largest "Indígena Mezclada Con Blanca" Population

In the 1921 census, the status "Indígena Mezclada con Blanca" implied that a person was of mestizo origin. Persons classified by this identity probably did not speak Indian languages, but still felt an attachment to their indigenous roots and probably had indigenous facial features.. The eight Mexican states with the largest populations of "Indígena Mezclada con Blanca" were:

1. Jalisco - 903,830 (75.83%)
2. Guanajuato - 828,724 (96.33%)
3. Michoacán - 663,391 (70.59%)
4. Veracruz - 556,472 (47.97%)
5. Distrito Federal - 496,359 (54.78%)

6. México – 422,001 (47.71%)

7. Puebla – 403,221 (39.34%)

8. Sinaloa – 335,474 (98.30%)

9. Zacatecas – 326,615 (86.10%)

10. Hidalgo – 320,250 (51.47%)

In terms of percentages, the states with the largest mezclada population were Sinaloa (98.30%), Guanajuato (96.32%), Durango (89.10%), Zacatecas (86.10%), and Querétaro (80.15%).

The State With the Largest Mezclada Population: Jalisco

As with the other classifications, the percentage of "indígena mezclada con blanca" in each state varied widely because of the level of assimilation and the states’ overall population. For Jalisco, the large number of mestizos in the state was a reflection of Jalisco’s mestizaje over the centuries. The combination of Jalisco’s mezclada and indígena pura populations (903,830 and 199,728) indicated that 92.58% of Jalisco’s total population (1,103,558 out of 1,191,957 people) had an indigenous background. In addition, 87,103 residents of Jalisco claimed to be White (7.31%).

Although the inhabitants of Jalisco had a strong link to their indigenous origins, only 195 persons in the entire state spoke indigenous languages. Two languages dominated within this small group of indigenous speakers (99 Huichol speakers and 81 Náhuatl speakers).

Guanajuato: The Second Largest Mezclada Population

Guanajuato was settled early in the colonial period and underwent mestizaje at an early date. 828,724 of Guanajuato’s population of 860,364 classified themselves as indígena mezclada con blanca, representing 96.33% of the state population. Only 25,458 persons claimed pure indigenous background (representing 2.96%) of the population and another 4,687 classified themselves as blanca. In contrast, only 220 inhabitants of Guanajuato spoke indigenous languages. [All but one of these indigenous speakers spoke the Otomí tongue.]

Sinaloa: The State with the Largest Percentage of Mezclada

In the 1921 Mexican census, 335,474 persons were classified as mezclada, representing an extraordinary 98.30% of the state population. Incredibly, a mere 3,163 people (or 0.93% of the state population) identified themselves as pura indígena. The number of person classified as white was smaller yet: only 644 people out of a total state population of 341,265.

Zacatecas: A State Without Indigenous Speakers

Zacatecas posed one of the most interesting cases in this analysis. With 8.54% of its inhabitants identified as "pura indígena" and another 86.1% classified as mestizo, 94.64% of Zacatecas’ inhabitants identified with their indigenous origins. At the same time, not a single inhabitant of the state claimed to speak an indigenous language. This would lead one to speculate that in some parts of México, persons who spoke Indian languages may, in fact, have denied this fact.

States With the Largest Blanca Population

The states with the largest populations of "Blanca" or White persons were:

1. Distrito Federal - 206,514
2. Chihuahua - 145,926
3. Sonora - 115,151
4. Veracruz - 114,150
5. México - 88,660

In terms of percentage, the "blanca" classification was most prominent in these states:

1. Sonora - 41.85%
2. Chihuahua - 36.33%
3. Baja California Sur - 33.40%
4. Tabasco - 27.56%
5. District Federal - 22.79%

One of the most interesting aspects of the 1921 census is that several Mexican states contained very small numbers of Indigenous speakers but had significant populations of people who were identified as "pura indígena." Some examples of these states are:

Coahuila

The State of Coahuila had 44,779 individuals who were identified as "indígena pura," representing 11.38% of the state population. If you combined the pure indigenous and mestizo populations, you would recognize that 89.26% of Coahuila’s population had some kind of indigenous heritage. However, in the entire state of 393,480 inhabitants, only 293 persons spoke an indigenous language. [All of these indigenous speakers spoke the Kikapóo language.]

Tamaulipas

Tamaulipas presented a similar issue. In 1921, 39,606 inhabitants of the state were recognized as of pure indigenous background, representing 13.80% of the population. The combined "indígena pura" and mestizo population was calculated at 83.16%. However, in the entire state only 237 persons spoke more than 15 indigenous languages, of which only one (Huasteca) was actually native to the State.

San Luis Potosí

San Luis Potosí, with large indigenous areas in its eastern regions, boasted a total "indígena pura" population of 136,365, which represented 30.6% of the state population. With a mestizo population tallied at 61.88%, the combined percentage of persons with some indigenous origins was 92.48%. However, only 1,738 inhabitants of the state claimed to speak one of the state’s six indigenous languages (Huasteco, Mayo, Mazateco, Náhuatl, Otomí and Totonaco).

The Overview

The table below outlines the racial classifications of the 1921 census by percentage:

© 2008, John P. Schmal. All rights reserved.

Sources:

Departamento de la Estadística Nacional, "Annuario de 1930" (Tacubaya, D.F., Mexico, 1932), pp. 40, 48.

The 1921 census figures for each state were published in individual volumes by state. Each volume was published by the Departamento de la Estadística Nacional between 1927 and 1929 under the titles of "Resumen del Censo General de Habitantes de 30 de Noviembre de 1921."

About the Author

John Schmal is the coauthor of "The Indigenous Roots of a Mexican-American Family" (available as item M2469 through Heritage Books at http://heritagebooks.com). Recently, he also published "The Journey to Latino Political Representation" (available as item S4114).

INDIGENOUS MEXICO STATISTICS: THE 2005 CONTEO

By John P. Schmal

The results of the 2005 Mexican Conteo (Count) have been published and a comparison with the 2000 Mexican Censo (Censo) indicates a decline in the overall number of Mexican citizens who speak indigenous languages. The overall number of indigenous speakers has dropped from 6,044,547 to 6,011,202 persons five years of age and older. This represented a drop in the national percentage of indigenous speakers from 7.2% to 6.7%.

It is important to point out that the criteria in this count represents people who speak indigenous languages and that the number of Mexicans who consider themselves to be indigenous – through culture, tradition, spirit, genetics and other factors – is probably much greater in some parts of the country. Additionally, any children up to the age of four living in indigenous households are not tallied as being indigenous speakers.

Náhuatl remains the most widely spoken language in Mexico with 1,376,026 persons five years of age and older using that tongue. Náhuatl speakers, in fact, represented 22.89% of the indigenous speakers in the entire Republic in the 20005 Conteo. Some of the other prominent languages are:

2. Maya (759,000 speakers – 12.63% of all indigenous speakers)

3. Mixtec Languages (423,216 – 7.04%)

4. Zapotec Languages (410,901 – 6.84%)

5. Tzeltal (371,730 – 6.18%)

6. Tzotzil (329,937 – 5.49%)

7. Otomí (239,850 – 3.99%)

The Náhuatl, Maya, Mixtec and Zapotec languages are found in considerable numbers in many states far from their traditional homelands, in large part because of migration to the north and urban areas.

The states with the largest number of indigenous speakers are, in terms of absolute numbers and percentages, are:

1. Oaxaca (1,091,502 indigenous speakers – 35.3% of the state population)

2. Yucatán (538,355 speakers – 33.5% of the state population)

3. Chiapas (957,255 speakers – 26.1% of the state population)

4. Quintana Roo (170,982 speakers – 19.3% of the state population)

5. Hidalgo (320,029 – 15.5% of the state population)

6. Guerrero (383,427 – 14.2% of the state population)

7. Campeche (89,084 – 13.3% of the state population)

8. Puebla (548,723 – 11.7% of the state population)

9. San Luis Potosí (234,815 – 11.1% of the state population)

10. Veracruz (605,135 – 9.5% of the state population).

With the exception of the Chiapas dialects, many of the most populous indigenous languages have declined in absolute numbers, possibly due to immigration to the United States and other countries. It is also possible that many indigenous migrants who move from Oaxaca, Puebla, Guerrero, or Campeche to large urban areas in Mexico City or the North may have children who, in the absence of a nurturing mother culture, may tend to assimilate and perhaps stop speaking their mother tongue as they socialize and work with their non-indigenous friends, associates, and neighbors.

We continue to see large numbers of Zapotec and Mixtec speakers dominating the indigenous landscape in many western and northern states, in large part because of decades of migration from Oaxaca to other parts of the country. A long distance from their traditional lands, the Mixtecs represent significant percentages of the indigenous-speaking people in several states, including Baja California (38.2% of indigenous speakers), Baja California Sur (21.5%), Distrito Federal (10.4%), Sinaloa (10.2%) and Estado de México (6.8%).

Similarly, the Zapotecs make up significant portions of the indigenous-speaking populations of several states, including Baja California (9.6%), Baja California Sur (8.7%), Distrito Federal (8.4%), Colima (6.5%) and Sinaloa (5.6%). Nevertheless, both the Zapotec and Mixtec languages saw significant overall population drops between 2000 and 2005 and large-scale immigration to the United States is certainly a compelling factor in that trend.

In the states of the Yucatán Peninsula, the Yucatec Maya dialect continues to dominate. For example, in the State of Yucatán, there are 527,107 Maya speakers, who represent 97.9% of the total indigenous-speaking population of the state.

While many languages have declined in absolute numbers, several of the most important Mayan tongues in Chiapas actually increased between the 2000 Censo and the 2005 Conteo. The five most widely spoken languages of Chiapas have all increased in absolute numbers:

1. Tzeltal (362,658 indigenous speakers – 37.9% of the state’s indigenous population)

2. Tzotzil (320,921 indigenous speakers – 33.5%)

3. Chol (161,794 speakers – 16.9%)

4. Zoque (43,936 speakers – 4.6%)

5. Tojolabal (42,798 – 4.5%)

This increase may be related to the high visibility and sense of pride that many Chiapas Indians have begun to feel towards their indigenous heritage, and, in fact, people who did not previously speak Tzotzil or Tzeltal fluently, may be learning the language to take part in the Cultural Renaissance now occurring.

The Náhuatl language continues to dominate many of the Mexican states. In Veracruz, for example, the 318,626 Náhuatl speakers make up 52.7% of the State’s indigenous speakers. The other widely spoken languages in Veracruz are the Totonac (19.2%), Huasteco (8.4%), Popoluca (5.3%), and Otomí (2.8%).

The Tarahumara Indians, one of the few surviving remnants of Chihuahua’s indigenous heritage, continue to represent 77.3% of Chihuahua’s people who speak Indian languages. But indigenous speakers only represent 3.4% of the total state population five years of age and older.

In Sonora, the two surviving traditional languages still dominate the indigenous-speaking population: the Mayo number 24,470 people (47.3%) and the Yaqui number 13,552 people (14.7%). But, here again, the indigenous speakers represent only 2.5% of Sonora’s entire population five years of age and older.

Mexico’s total population increased from 97,483,412 in the 2000 Censo to 103,263,388 in the 2005 Conteo. Interestingly, women outnumber men by 51.34% by 48.66%, a telling reminder that many breadwinners may have left the country to find gainful employment elsewhere.

Below is a graphic interpretation, illustrating the contrast in the indigenous speaking populations of Mexico’s states between the 2000 Censo and the 2005 Conteo:

Below is a second illustration indicating the evolution of Mexico’s indigenous languages in terms of their total numbers within the Mexican Republic.

Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística Geografía e Informática (INEGI). Conteos de Población y Vivienda, 2005.

Copyright © 2008, by John P. Schmal.

EXTRANJEROS IN MEXICO (1895-2000)

By John P. Schmal (© 2007)

Immigration to Mexico

From the early Sixteenth Century to the end of the Nineteenth Century, Mexico saw a continuous surge of immigrants from Spain. But several other countries – most notably Portugal, Italy, Germany, France, the Philippines and China – also contributed a steady stream of immigrants to various parts of Mexico through the centuries. Immigration from North America and other parts of Latin America and the Caribbean has also been healthy over the long haul.

Extranjeros in Mexico’s 1895 Census

According to the 1895 Mexican census, the countries with the largest number of natives living in Mexico were:

1. Spain (14,108 natives)
2. Guatemala (14,004)
3. United States (12,945)
4. France (3,897)
5. United Kingdom (3,263)
6. Germany (2,497)
7. Italy (2,148)
8. China (1,026)

The total number of extranjeros living in Mexico numbered 56,355 in 1895. In contrast, the number of people five years of age and older who spoke foreign languages amounted to only 23,916 persons. Of course, those individuals who were born in Spain and Guatemala and spoke Spanish did not speak a foreign language. Therefore the five most widely spoken foreign languages were:

1. English (13,711 speakers)
2. French (3,569 speakers)
3. German (2,247 speakers)
4. Italian (1,376 speakers)
5. Chinese (827 speakers)

During the reign of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1910), foreigners were invited to Mexico to serve as skilled professionals in a number of industries, including the railroad and mining industries. This policy guaranteed a steady stream of immigrant who entered Mexico, some of whom stayed and raised families.

Extranjeros in 1900

The total number of extranjeros living in Mexico increased from 56,355 in 1895 to 67,674 in 1900. Although Spain remained the largest contributor of natives to Mexico, United States moved into second place as the country of birth for Mexican residents. The most represented countries were:

1. Spain (16,280 natives)

2 United States (15,242)

3 Guatemala (5,820)

4. France (3,970)

Extranjeros in 1910

In 1910, the total number of extranjeros living in Mexico almost doubled to 117,108 persons. Although the largest number of natives continued to be from the Spain, Guatemala and the United States, natives of China increased almost fourfold from 2,660 in 1900 to 13,203 in 1910. The countries most represented by extranjeros in Mexico’s 1910 census were:

2. Spain (29,64 natives)
3. Guatemala (21,334)
4. United States (20,639)
5. China (13,203)
6. United Kingdom (5,274)
7. France (4,729)
8. Germany (3,627)

In the 1910 census, 56,491 persons five years of age and older spoke some foreign language. The most widely spoken foreign language was English (with 24,480 English speakers), followed by Chinese (12,972 speakers), French (4,729), German (4,132) and Arabic (3,545).

Extranjeros in 1921

Mexico experienced a violent revolution that caused widespread death, destruction and migration from 1910 to 1920. By the time the next census was taken in 1921, more than a million Mexicans had been killed and internal migration had displaced millions more. In 1921, the number of extranjeros dropped from 117,108 in 1910 to 101,312. The countries with the largest representation were:

1. Spain (29,565 natives)
2. China (14,472)
3. Guatemala (13,974)
4. United States (11,090)
5. Syria (4,715)

As a general rule, many of the foreign populations decreased during the revolution as many people fled the country to escape the turmoil. The number of persons speaking foreign languages also dropped from 56,4391 in 1910 to 47,989 in 1921. The six most widely spoken foreign languages were:

1. Chinese (14,514 speakers)
2. English (13,570 speakers)
3. Arabic (5,420 speakers)
4. German (3,772 speakers)
5. French (3,553 speakers)
6. Italian (2,108 speakers)
7. Japanese (1,880 speakers)

Extranjeros in 1930

The number of extranjeros in Mexico increased from 101,312 in 1921 to 159,844 in 1930. The most represented countries were:

1. Spain (47,239 natives)
2. China (18,965)
3. Guatemala (17,023)
4. United States (12,396)
5. Canada (7,779)
6. Germany (6,501)
7. Syria (5,195)

Arabic countries saw significant increases with several native populations well represented in the Mexican census: Saudi Arabia (4,435 natives), Lebanon (3,963) and Syria (5,159). However, speakers of foreign languages declined significantly from 47,989 to 8,223. The three most widely spoken languages were: English (5,134 speakers), Chinese (1,008) and German (503). The decline in foreign languages may have been due to a reluctance of individuals to admit that they spoke foreign languages, as well as assimilation of second-generation of Mexicans.

Extranjeros in 1940

The total number of extranjeros in Mexico dropped dramatically from 159,844 in 1930 to 67,548 in 1940. As the older generation of immigrants died out, the Mexican-born children of the foreign-born individuals took their place as natives of Mexico, not a foreign country. The five countries with the largest representation in Mexico during this census year were:

1. Spain (21,022 natives)
2. United States (9,585)
3. Canada (5,338)
4. China (4,858)
5. Guatemala (3,358)

Natives of Arab countries continued to make up a significant portion of the foreign natives: Lebanon (2,454 natives), Saudi Arabia (1,070) and Syria (1,041). Significant numbers of natives from the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan and the Soviet Union were also represented among the extranjeros.

During this census, the number of people who spoke foreign languages also dropped from 8,223 in 1930 to 6,465 in 1940. German was the most widely spoken foreign language (with 5,111 speakers), followed by English (1,159 speakers). It is likely that many people tallied in the census simply did not admit that they spoke foreign languages. It is also possible that many of the 14,923 natives from Canada and the U.S. may actually have been the children of Mexican immigrants who returned to Mexico with their children during the repatriation of the 1930’s and in the aftermath of a devastating world-wide economic depression.

Extranjeros in 1950

Between 1940 and 1950, the number of foreign-born residents in Mexico increased significantly from 67,548 to 106,015. The largest number of immigrants that had entered Mexico during the last decade came from the United States and Spain. For the first time, United States had the largest representation. The most widely represented countries were:

1. United States (30,454 natives)
2. Spain (26,676)
3. Canada (6,102)
4. China (5,124)
5. Guatemala (4,613)

Other countries represented in significant numbers were France, Germany, Italy, Cuba, Japan, Lebanon and Poland. Speakers of foreign languages also increased dramatically from 6,465 in 1940 to 100,830 in 1950. The five most widely spoken languages correlated to some extent with the influx of natives:

1. English (57,172 speakers)
2. German (9,383 speakers)
3. French (5,975 speakers)
4. Chinese (5,262 speakers)
5. Japanese (1,805)

Although the influx of English speakers correlated with the increase of immigrants from Canada, the United Kingdom and the U.S., the number of German speakers (9,383) did not seem to match the number of German-born Mexicans (1,811), indicating possibly that second-generation German-Mexicans may have retained their German language skills. There seemed to be a similar phenomenon with French (5,975 French speakers compared to 1,088 French natives in Mexico). Chinese, on the other hand, seemed to correlate well between the two classifications.

Extranjeros in 1960

Between 1950 and 1960, the number of foreign-born in Mexico more than doubled from 106,015 to 223,468. The United States had the largest number of natives, followed at a great distance by Spain, Guatemala and Germany, as indicated below:

1. United States (97,902 natives)
2. Spain (49,637)
3. Guatemala (8,743)
4. Germany (6,690)
5. Canada (5,631)
6. China (5,085)
7. Poland (4,275)
8. France (4,196)

Between 1950 and 1960, the number of persons speaking foreign languages also increased from 100,830 to 147,827. English speakers were the largest group (103,154), followed by French, German, Arabic, Japanese and Polish. Spanish-speakers from Spain, Guatemala and other Latin American countries, of course, would not be included as speakers of foreign languages and, as such, did not figure in the calculations for speakers of foreign languages.

Extranjeros in 1970

Between 1960 and 1970, the number of foreign-born in Mexico dropped for the first time from 223,468 to 192,208. The number of U.S.-born natives barely decreased from 97,902 to 97,248 while the number of Spanish immigrants dropped significantly from 49,637 to 31,038. Below is a tally of the extranjeros in Mexico at the time of the 1970 census:

1. United States (97,248 natives)
2. Spain (31,038)
3. Guatemala (6,969)
4. Germany (5,379)
5. Cuba (4,197)
6. Nicaragua (3,674)
7. France (3,495)
8. Canada (3,352)

One of the most notable increases took place among natives from a variety of Latin American countries. Immigration from 13 Latin American countries accounted for 24,561 foreign-born individuals in the 1970 census. Although a variety of reasons for this immigration may have instigated this enhanced movement, the flight of refuges from Castro’s Cuba probably played a role in placing Cuban-born nationals in fifth place.

Extranjeros in 1980

Between 1970 and 1980, the number of foreign-born persons in Mexico increased from 192,208 to 268,900. Once again, natives from the United States made up the largest segment with 157,080 persons, followed by Spain (32,240). However, natives from 13 Latin American countries totaled 33,981 and made up 12.6% of all the foreign-born residents. The countries most represented by the extranjeros in the 1980 census were:

1. United States (157,080 natives)
2. Spain (32,240)
3. Argentina (5,479)
4. Germany (4,824)
5. France (4,242)
6. Guatemala (4,115)

Extranjeros in 2000

At the time of the 2000 census, 492,617 extranjeros lived in Mexico. A total of 343,591 extranjeros were born in the United States, representing 69.75% of the entire immigrant population. The countries most represented by the extranjeros in the 2000 census were:

1. United States (343,591 natives)

2. Guatemala (23,957)

3. Spain (21,024)

4. Cuba (6,647)

5. Argentina (6,465)

6. Colombia (6,215)

Immigrants from both the United States and the rest of the Americas constituted 87.5% of all extranjeros living in Mexico in 2000. However, Canada, France and Germany also continued to contribute several thousand of their natives to Mexico’s resident population.

If current trends continue in the Twenty-First Century, it is likely that immigration from both the United States and Latin America will continue to constitute the largest number of extranjeros residing in Mexico.

© 2008, John P. Schmal. All rights reserved.

Sources:

Departamento de la Estadística Nacional, "Annuario de 1930" (Tacubaya, D.F., Mexico, 1932),

Secretaria de la Economia Nacional, Direccion General de Estadistica, "Annuario Estadistico de los Estados Unidos Mexicano" (1938-1972)

Instituto Nacional de Estadística Geografía e Informática (INEGI), Censo de Poblacion y Vivienda de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos" (1980-2000).

First published at: http://www.somosprimos.com/sp2007/spdec07/spdec07.htm

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF ZACATECAS
By John P. Schmal

Millions of Americans today look to the Mexican state of Zacatecas as their ancestral homeland. But it is very difficult to locate historical information on Zacatecas in the English language media. As a result, many Zacatecanos know little or nothing about the region in which their ancestors lived for thousands of years.

If you look at a present-day linguistic map of Mexico, you will find that no indigenous languages are spoken in the state today. But, all obvious evidence to the contrary, Zacatecas was indeed occupied by several Indian groups over the last two millennia. And these indigenous natives, when confronted by the Europeans and their Indian allies from southern Mexico did not go quietly into the night. Instead, for the better part of the Sixteenth Century they waged a fierce guerrilla war against the intruders who had ventured onto their native lands.

One of the earliest encounters that the Zacatecas Indians had with the Europeans took place in 1530 when Juan de Oñate, a lieutenant of the conquistador Nuño de Guzmán, began construction of a small town near the site of present-day Nochistlán in southern Zacatecas. Oñate called this small village La Villa de Espíritu Santo de Guadalajara in honor of the Spanish city where Guzmán had been born.

However, from the beginning, the small settlement had come under Indian attack and in 1531, the Indians of nearby Teul massacred the local Spanish garrison as well as the reinforcements dispatched to subdue them. Recognizing that the neighborhood was not very receptive to its Spanish neighbors, Guzmán, in 1533, decided to move Guadalajara to another site, closer to the center of the province. The City of Guadalajara - today the second largest urban center of Mexico - would be founded at its present location farther south in 1542.

But the indigenous history of Zacatecas stretches so far into the past that we are unable to say exactly when people settled the area. Even today, in many parts of Zacatecas, a hundred or more ancient ruins in the state give testimony to an ancient civilization that flourished in western Zacatecas along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental between about 200 and 1250 A.D.

The largest pre-Columbian settlement in Zacatecas can be found in southwestern Zacatecas. In 1535, when the Spaniards discovered La Quemada, they commented on its wide streets and "imposing appearance." The massive ruins at this fortified ceremonial site consist of extensive terraces and broad stone causeways, as well as gigantic pillars, 18 feet in height and 17 feet in circumference. First occupied between about 200 and 300 A.D., La Quemada's population probably peaked after 500 A.D.

Eighteenth Century historians conjectured that this might have been the legendary Chicomostoc, the place where the Aztecs stayed nine years during their extended journey from Aztlán to Tenochtitlán (the site of present day Mexico City). Other interpretations of La Quemada have speculated that it may have been an enclave of Teotihuacan culture, a Toltec market site, or a Tarascan fort. Between 500 and 700 A.D., it is believed that La Quemada was a trade center for the collection and redistribution of raw materials (such as salt, minerals and shells). After 850 A.D., however, La Quemada went into decline, and by 900, the site was abandoned completely.

The archaeological site of Alta Vista, at Chalchihuites, is located 137 miles to the northwest of the City of Zacatecas and 102 miles southeast of the City of Durango. Located to the west of Sombrerete in the northwestern corner of the state, it is believed that the site was a cultural oasis that was occupied more or less continuously from 100 A.D. to 1400 A.D.

The archaeologist Manuel Gamio referred to Chalchihuites as a "culture of transition" between the Mesoamerican civilizations and the so-called Chichimeca hunters/gatherers who lived in the arid plateau of central Mexico. Chalchihuites and Le Quemada were both outposts of Mesoamerican settlement in an ecological and cultural frontier area. However, in this transition zone, climatic changes caused continual shifts in the available resource base, discouraging most attempts at creating permanent settlements.

When the Spaniards started exploring north central Mexico in the 1520s, they encountered several nomadic tribes occupying the area we now call Zacatecas. The Aztecs had collectively referred to these Indians with the all-encompassing term, Chichimecas. The primary Chichimeca groups that occupied the present-day area of Zacatecas were the Zacatecos, Cazcanes, and Guachichiles.

Although the Aztecs employed the term Chichimeca frequently, they acknowledged that they themselves were the descendants of Chichimeca Indians. Mr. Alfredo Moreno González, in his book Santa Maria de Los Lagos, explains that the word Chichimeca has been subject to various interpretations over the years. Some of these suggestions included "linaje de perros" (of dog lineage), "perros altaneros" (arrogant dogs), or "chupadores de sangre" (blood-suckers). With time, however, the Aztecs and other Indians came to fear and respect the Chichimeca Indians as brave and courageous defenders of their ancestral homelands.

In December 1529, Nuño de Guzmán, left Mexico City at the head of a force of five hundred Spaniards and 10,000 Indian soldiers. According to J. Lloyd Mecham, the author of Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya, "Guzmán was an able and even brilliant lawyer, a man of great energy and firmness, but insatiably ambitious, aggressive, wily, and cruel." In a rapid and brutal campaign lasting from February to June, 1530, Guzmán traveled through Michoacán, Jalisco, and southern Zacatecas. The historian Peter Gerhard writes that "Guzmán's strategy throughout was to terrorize the natives with often unprovoked killing, torture, and enslavement. The army left a path of corpses and destroyed houses and crops, impressing surviving males into service and leaving women and children to starve."

Reports of Guzmán's brutal treatment of the indigenous people got the attention of the authorities in Mexico City. In 1536, he was arrested, imprisoned and put on trial. Two years later, his trial was removed to Spain, where he would die in poverty and disgrace. But the actions of this man would stir up hatred and resentment that would haunt the Spaniards for the rest of the Sixteenth Century. In the meantime, the present-day areas of Zacatecas, Jalisco, and Aguascalientes were all lumped together as part of the Spanish administrative province, Nueva Galicia.

The historian Philip Wayne Powell has written several books that dealt with the Chichimeca Indians and the Spanish encounter with these Indians. In his publication Soldiers Indians and Silver: North America's First Frontier War, Mr. Powell noted that "Hernán Cortés, the Conqueror, defeated the Aztecs in a two-year campaign" but that his "stunning success created an illusion of European superiority over the Indian as a warrior." Continuing with this line of thought, Mr. Powell observed that "this lightning-quick subjugation of such massive and complex peoples as the Tlaxcalan, Aztec, and Tarascan, proved to be but prelude to a far longer military struggle against the peculiar and terrifying prowess of Indian America's more primitive warriors."

In the Spring of 1540, the Indian population of western Mexico began a fierce rebellion against the Spanish rule. The indigenous tribes living along today's Three-Fingers border region between Jalisco and Zacatecas led the way in fomenting the insurrection. In the hills near Teul and Nochistlán, the Indians attacked Spanish settlers and soldiers and destroyed churches.

By April of 1541, the Cazcanes of southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco were waging a full-scale revolt against all symbols of Spanish rule. Pedro de Alvarado, the conqueror of Guatemala, hastened to Guadalajara in June 1541 with a force of 400 men. Refusing to await reinforcements, Alvarado lead a direct attack against the Juchipila Indians near Nochistlán. On June 24, several thousand Indians attacked the Spaniards with such ferocity that they were forced to retreat with heavy losses. In this retreat, Alvarado was crushed when he fell under a horse. He died in Guadalajara from his injuries on July 4, 1541.

It took the better part of two years to contain the Mixtón Rebellion. Antonio de Mendoza, who had become the first Viceroy of Nueva España in 1535, quickly assembled a force of 450 Spaniards and 30,000 Aztec and Tlaxcalan warriors. In a series of short sieges and assaults, Mendoza captured the native fortresses one by one. By December, 1541, the native resistance had been completely crushed. The Mixtón Rebellion had a profound effect upon the Spanish expansion into central and northern Mexico. The historian J. Lloyd Mecham wrote that "the uprising in Nueva Galicia not only checked advance in that direction, but even caused a temporary contraction of the frontiers."

However, in 1546, an event of great magnitude that would change the dynamics of the Zacatecas frontier took place. On September 8, a Basque nobleman, Juan de Tolosa, meeting with a small group of Indians near the site of the present-day city of Zacatecas, was taken to some nearby mineral outcroppings. Once it was determined that the mineral samples from this site were silver ore, a small mining settlement was very quickly established at Zacatecas.

Suddenly, the dream of quick wealth brought a multitude of prospectors, entrepreneurs, and laborers streaming into Zacatecas. Indians from southern Mexico, eager to earn the higher wages offered by miners, flooded into the region. In the next two decades, rich mineral-bearing deposits would also be discovered farther north in San Martín (1556), Chalchihuites (1556), Avino (1558), Sombrerete (1558), Fresnillo (1566), Mazapil (1568), and Nieves (1574). However, "the rather sudden intrusion of the Spaniards," writes Allen R. Franz, the author of Huichol Ethnohistory: The View From Zacatecas, soon precipitated a reaction from these "hostile and intractable natives determined to keep the strangers out."

Most of the semi-nomadic Indians of Zacatecas shared a primitive hunting-collecting culture, based on the gathering of mesquite and tunas (the fruit of the nopal). Some of them also lived off of acorns, roots and seeds. In some areas, they even cultivated maize and calabashes. From the mesquite they made white bread and wine. Many Chichimeca tribes utilized the juice of the agave as a substitute for water when the latter was in short supply. Several of the Chichimeca Indians are described in the following paragraphs:

Zacatecos. The Zacatecos Indians occupied much of what is now northern Zacatecas and northeastern Durango. Their lands bordered with those of the Tepehuanes on the west and the Guachichiles on the east. Mr. Powell writes that the Zacatecos were "brave and bellicose warriors and excellent marksmen." They were greatly feared by the neighboring tribes, in particular the Cazcanes, whom they attacked constantly.

Although many of the Chichimeca Indians were nomadic, some of the Zacatecos Indians had dwellings of a more permanent character, inhabiting areas near the wooded sierras. They inhabited homes constructed of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones. They slept on the floor of their one-room homes. A fireplace in the middle of the floor, surrounded by rocks, was used for cooking food. The Zacatecos Indians grew roots, herbs, maize, beans, and some wild fruits. They hunted rabbits, deer, birds, frogs, snakes, worms, and rats. Eventually, the Zacatecos would develop a fondness for the meat of the larger animals brought in to their territory by the Spaniards. During their raids on Spanish settlements, they frequently stole mules, horses, cattle, and other livestock, all of which became a part of their diet.

Peter Masten Dunne, the author of Pioneer Jesuits in Northern Mexico, writes that the Zacatecos were "a tall, well-proportioned, muscular people." They had oval faces with "long black eyes wide apart, large mouth, thick lips and small flat noses." The men wore breechcloth, while the women wore short petticoats of skins or woven maguey. Both sexes wore their hair long, usually to the waist. The Zacatecos married young, with most girls being married by the age of fifteen. Monogamy was their general practice. The Indians smeared their bodies with clay of various colors and painted them with the forms of reptiles. This paint helped shield them from the sun's rays but also kept vermin off their skin.

Guachichiles. Of all the Chichimec tribes, the Guachichile Indians occupied the largest territory, from Saltillo in the north to some parts of Los Altos (Jalisco) and western Guanajuato in the south. Their territory extended westward close to the city of Zacatecas. The name Guachichil - given to them by the Aztecs - meant "head colored red." They had been given this label, writes Mr. Dunne, because "they were distinguished by red feather headdresses, by painting themselves red (especially the hair), or by wearing head coverings (bonetillas) made of hides and painted red." The archaeologist Paul Kirchhoff wrote that the following traits characterized the Guachichile Indians: "painting of the body; coloration of the hair; head gear; matrilocal residence; freedom of the married woman; special forms of cruelty to enemies."

In the development of tribal alliances, the Guachichiles were considered the most advanced of the Chichimec tribes. They were a major catalyst in provoking the other tribes to resist the Spanish settlement and exploitation of Indian lands. "Their strategic position in relation to Spanish mines and highways," wrote Mr. Powell, "made them especially effective in raiding and in escape from Spanish reprisal." The Spanish frontiersmen and contemporary writers referred to the Guachichiles "as being the most ferocious, the most valiant, and the most elusive" of all their indigenous adversaries. In addition, the Christian missionaries found their language difficult to learn because of its "many sharply variant dialects." As a result, the conversion of these natives to Christianity did not come easy.

Cazcanes. The Cazcanes Indians occupied southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco. Occupying territory to the west of the Guamares and Tecuexes and south of the Zacatecos Indians, they were a partly nomadic people whose principal religious and population centers were in Teul, Tlaltenango, Juchipila, and Teocaltiche. After their defeat in the Mixtón Rebellion, the Cazcanes began serving as auxiliaries to the northward Spanish advance. For this reason, they would occasionally come under attack by the Zacatecos Indians.

The Chichimeca War (1550-1590). Mr. Powell writes that rush to establish new settlements and pave new roads through Zacatecas, "left in its wake a long stretch of unsettled and unexplored territory..." As these settlements and the mineral output of the mines grew in numbers, "the needs to transport to and from it became a vital concern of miners, merchants, and government." To function properly, the Zacatecas silver mines "required well-defined and easily traveled routes." These routes brought in badly-needed supplies and equipment from distant towns and also delivered the silver to smelters and royal counting houses in the south.

Mr. Powell wrote that these highways "became the tangible, most frequently visible evidence of the white man's permanent intrusion" into their land. As the natives learned about the usefulness of the goods being transported (silver, food, and clothing), "they quickly appreciated the vulnerability of this highway movement to any attack they might launch."

In time, the Zacatecos and Guachachile Indians, in whose territory most of the silver mines could be found, started to resist the intrusion by assaulting the travelers and merchants using the roads. And thus began La Guerra de los Chichimecas (The War of the Chichimecas), which eventually became the longest and most expensive conflict between Spaniards and the indigenous peoples of New Spain in the history of the colony."

The attacks against the silver caravans usually took place in a narrow pass, in rocky terrain, at the mouth of a ravine, or in a place with sufficient forestation to conceal their approach. They usually ambushed their victims at dawn or dusk and struck with great speed. Mr. Powell wrote that "surprise, nudity, body paint, shouting, and rapid shooting were all aimed at terrifying the intended victims and their animals. There is ample evidence that they usually succeeded in this." The Spaniards' superiority in arms was not effective when they were taken by surprise.

In hand-to-hand combat, the Chichimeca warriors gained a reputation for courage and ferocity. Even when the Chichimeca was attacked in his hideout or stronghold, Mr. Powell writes, "he usually put up vigorous resistance, especially if unable to escape the onslaught. In such cases, he fought - with arrows, clubs, or even rocks! Even the women might take up the fight, using the weapons of fallen braves. The warriors did not readily surrender and were known to fight on with great strength even after receiving mortal wounds."

The intensity of the attacks increased with each year. Then, in 1554, the worst disaster of all occurred when a train of sixty wagons with an armed escort was attacked by the Chichimecas in the Ojuelos Pass. In addition to inflicting great loss of life, the Chichimecas carried off more than 30,000 pesos worth of clothing, silver, and other valuables. By the late 1580s, thousands had died and a general depopulation of the Zacatecas mining camps became a matter of concern for the Spanish authorities.

If there was any single date that represented a turning of the tide in the Chichimec War, it would be October 18, 1585. On this day, Alonso Manrique de Zuñiga, the Marqués de Villamanrique, became the seventh viceroy of Mexico. Mr. Powell writes that "to this great viceroy must go the major share of credit for planning and largely effecting the end" of the war and "the development of basic policies to guarantee a sound pacification of the northern frontier." Villamanrique evaluated the deteriorating situation, consulted expert advice, and reversed the practices of the past.

The Viceroy learned that many Spanish soldiers had begun raiding peaceful Indians for the purpose of enslavement. Infuriated by this practice, the Marqués prohibited further enslavement of all captured Indians and freed or placed under religious care those who had already been captured. He also appointed Don Antonio de Monroy to conduct investigations into this conduct and punish the Spaniards involved in the slave trade.

Villamanrique also launched a full-scale peace offensive. He opened negotiations with the principal Chichimeca leaders, and, according to Mr. Powell, made to them promises of food, clothing, lands, religious administration, and agricultural implements to attract them to peaceful settlement." As it turns out, the olive branch proved to be more persuasive than the sword, and on November 25, 1589, the Viceroy was able to report to the King that the state of war had ended.

The policy of peace by persuasion was continued under the next Viceroy, Luis de Velasco. He sent Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries into the former war zone and spent more money on food and agricultural tools for the Chichimecas. He also recruited some 400 families of Tlaxcalans from the south and settled them in eight towns of the war zone. Velasco's successor, the Conde de Monterrey, completed Velasco's work by establishing a language school at Zacatecas to teach missionaries the various Chichimeca dialects. Through this effort, the conversion of the Chichimeca Indians to Christianity would be streamlined.

The most important component of the "peace by purchase" policy involved the shipment and distribution of food, clothing, and agricultural implements to strategically located depots. The clothing shipped, according to Mr. Powell, included coarse woolen cloth, coarse blankets, woven petticoats, shirts, hats and capes. The agricultural implements included plows, hoes, axes, hatchets, leather saddles, and slaughtering knives. "However," writes Mr. Powell, "the most fundamental contribution to the pacification process at century's end was the vast quantity of food, mostly maize and beef." Another important element of the pacification was the maintenance of freedom. Many of the Indians had been granted exemption from forced service and tribute and had thus retained their independence of action.

Peter Gerhard, the author of The North Frontier of New Spain, has explored various jurisdictions of Zacatecas, and it is through this work that we have some insight into the tribal groups that occupied certain parts of Zacatecas:

Sombrerete (Northwestern Zacatecas). At contact, the indigenous people living in this area were Zacatecos Indians. Spanish explorers passed through the area in 1552 and miners settled at San Martín (northwest of present-day Sombrerete) around 1555.

Jerez (southwestern Zacatecas). According to Peter Gerhard, a small band of Spaniards settled at the site of present-day Jerez in 1569 and , at that time, were surrounded by Chichimecas, "probably Zacateco speakers, although there may have been Guachichiles in the vicinity." Mr. Gerhard also comments that western part of this region may have been occupied at contact by Tepecano farmers. The hostility of the Indians in this area did not taper off until the 1590s.

Fresnillo (Central Zacatecas). At contact, this area was occupied by Zacateco-speaking racherías of hunter-gatherers. To the east of Fresnillo were Guachichile Indians. On the western fringe of this district, there may have been some Tepecano and Huichol villages. Up until 1590, the hostility of the local Indians continued to be a problem to Spanish miners and farmers. Mr. Gerhard writes that in the 1590s, as the Chichimec War ended, Tlaxcalans moved into the Valparaíso and Trujillo valleys to work on farms and cattle haciendas. The Zacatecos Indians in the area either gradually retired to the north or were assimilated.

Sierra de Pinos (Southeastern Zacatecas). At contact, this area was sparsely population by Guachichile-speaking hunters and gatherers.

Mazapil (Northeast Zacatecas). This area was ruled over by a powerful Guachichile leader at contact. Silver was not discovered in this area until 1568 and the Guachichiles in the area were not pacified until after 1590.

Nieves (Northwest Zacatecas). At contact, most of this jurisdiction was occupied by rancherías of Zacateco-speaking Chichimecs.

Zacatecas (South central Zacatecas). At contact, this area, which had extensive forests (that were destroyed in the Sixteenth Century), was inhabited by Zacatecos Indians. After the establishment of the mining settlement, some of the first mine-workers, according to Mr. Gerhard, were the Zacatecos Indians. However, the Spanish authorities also brought African slaves, Náhuatl-speaking Mexicans and Tlaxcalans, and Tarascans. Cazcanes, who had been enslaved after the Mixtón War, also came to work in the area.

In 1562, an attack by the Zacatecos and Guachichile Indians caused great damage to the city and the mines. But, by 1588, Zacatecas earned the title of city. Viceroy Mendoza's use of Indian auxiliaries to put down the Mixtón rebellion had brought many Indian allies from central Mexico into the Gran Chichimeca. Some of the early Indian mine laborers at Zacatecas after 1546 were some of the remnants of Mendoza's forces from the Mixtón Rebellion.

Near the city of Zacatecas, Mr. Gerhard writes, each Indian group "lived in its own barrio," and these became pueblos segregated by nationality and language. Eventually there were barrios for the Aztecs (Mexicalpa), the Tlaxcalans (Tlacuitlapan), Tarascans (Tonaláa), and Texcocans (El Niño).

As the Chichimeca War ended and the Zacatecos and Guachichile Indians settled down to work for their former enemies, the nomadic tribes of Zacatecas disappeared. Absorbed into the Spanish and Indian groups that had invaded their lands half-a-century earlier, the Guachichiles and Zacatecas Indians disappeared as distinguishable cultural entities. And thus, Mr. Powell concludes, "the sixteenth-century land of war thus became fully Mexican in its mixture."

Although most Zacatecanos and Mexican Americans can look to the indigenous peoples of Zacatecas as their ancestors, there is virtually nothing left of the old cultures. The languages they spoke, the religions they adhered to, the cultures they practiced are today unknown. Professor Julian Nava, in this videotape production about Zacatecas, explains that there are many architectural monuments left by ancient inhabitants of the area, and few have been studied so far.

The Huicholes and Tepehuanes who occupied portions of far western Zacatecas have survived to this day, but most of them live in the neighboring states of Durango, Chihuahua, Nayarit and Jalisco. In the 1930 census, only 27 persons were tallied as persons over the age of five who spoke an indigenous language. This number increased to 284 in 1950 and to 1,000 in the 1970 census.

In the 2000 census, a mere 1,837 persons speak indigenous languages, with the main languages spoken by Tepehuán (358 persons), Huichol (330 persons), Náhuatl (330), Otomí (119), Mazahua (101), and Purépecha (80). The majority of these speakers of Indian languages are transplants from other states.

The Indigenous peoples of Zacatecas do not exist as individual cultural entities anymore, but genetically their blood has been passed forward to present generations of Zacatecanos and Mexican Americans. The fifty-year struggle of the Zacatecas Indians is a tribute to their resolve and independence, and the fact that they could not be defeated through war along, but had to be bribed into peace, is a testimony to their tenacity and strength.

Copyright © 2008 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.

Sources:

P.J. Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico: Zacatecas, 1546-1700. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971.

Alfredo Moreno González, Santa Maria de Los Lagos. Lagos de Moreno: D.R.H. Ayuntamiento de Los Lagos de Moreno, 1999.

Donna S. Morales and John P. Schmal, My Family Through Time: The Story of a Mexican-American Family. Los Angeles, California, 2000.

Philip Wayne Powell, Soldiers Indians and Silver: North America's First Frontier War. Tempe, Arizona: Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State University, 1975.

Peter Masten Dunne, Pioneer Jesuits in Northern Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1944.

Allen R. Franz, "Huichol Introduction: The View From Zacatecas," in Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst (eds.), People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion, and Survival. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996.

Basil C. Hedrick et al., The North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1971.

Paul Kirkchhoff, "The Hunter-Gathering People of North Mexico," in the North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1971.

John Schmal was born and raised in Inglewood, California. He attended Loyola-Marymount University in Los Angeles and St. Cloud State University in Minnesota, where he studied Geography, History and Earth Sciences and received two BA degrees.

Mr. Schmal specializes in Mexican, German, California, Texas and U.S. Census genealogical research. With regards to Mexican research, John Schmal has spent nearly two decades studying and extracting records from the states of Zacatecas, Jalisco, Chihuahua, Sonora, Guanajuato and Michoacán.

John also provides lectures on Indigenous Mexico to libraries and classes. He is the coauthor of Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to Mexico (Heritage Books, 2002). He has also coauthored six other books on Mexican-American themes, all of them published by Heritage Books in Maryland. He is an Associate Editor of www.somosprimos.com and a board member of the Society of Hispanic Historical and Ancestral Research (SHHAR).

Recently, John Schmal published The Journey to Latino Political Representation, about the struggle for Hispanic representation in California, Texas and the U.S. Congress. The preface to this book was written by his friend, Edward Telles, a professor at UCLA and the author of an award-winning book about race in Brazil.