HISTORY AND RESEARCH
Mexico: The Best Records in the World
By John P. Schmal
Many people look to Mexico as a nation rich in mineral resources, cultural antiquities and historical significance. Indeed, it is this... and much more. But many people, aware of Mexico's tumultuous past, a history full of political strife and turmoil, don't realize that - inspite of its difficult periods - Mexico has an extraordinary record of keeping diligent and detailed records of its people and their significant life events.
My ancestors lived in Illinois, Minnesota and New York in the 1850s and 1860s and getting information on my ancestors from those areas for those two decades is exceedingly difficult. However, I have traced the Mexican lineages of my relatives and my friends in Zacatecas, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Aguascalientes and Chihuahua during the same two decades with extraordinary success. Many Mexican Catholic church records from the 1800s, from the 1700s and even from the 1600s are very rich in details that you would never see in most American records. (There are exceptions, of course.)
It is worth noting that most American counties did not begin keeping birth and death records until the 1900s, and the recording to marriage records was only slightly better. However, Mexico started civil registration in 1859 and this practice was in widespread practice by the 1880s, and these records, for the most part, are very detailed.
To the family history researcher, Mexico is a land whose vital records are rich in both detail and availability. Mexico's Registros Parroquiales (Parish Registers) - in particular - have provided many Mexican Americans with a fabulous window into their past. From one end of Mexico to another, countless church books and civil registries have chronicled the life events of ordinary laborers and slaves, alongside those of wealthy landowners. Millions of baptisms, marriages and confirmations were performed and it appears that a great number of these church records have survived to the present day. Mexico's civil registration, enacted in 1859, provides the researcher with a secondary source that is sometimes even more detailed than the church records.
To help you better appreciate this valuable resource, I would like to present a translated record of the 1903 marriage record of Olayo Morales and Juana Luevano. This marriage record was performed by the Judge of the Civil Court in the small town of Cieneguilla in the state of Aguascalientes in central Mexico. The civil registry of birth, marriage and death records from Cieneguilla have been microfilmed by Genealogical Society of Utah and are now present on seventeen rolls of film
The civil marriage record of Olayo Morales and Juana Luevano, as translated to English, tells us:
In Cieneguilla on January 18, 1903 at nine in the morning in this office and before the recording judge, appeared the citizens OLAYO MORALES and JUANA LUEVANO, who stated that they desired to be married (in a civil ceremony) in conformity with the applicable laws for which they will make their best efforts. The first party (Olayo) is single, 22 years of age, originally from Santa Maria and a resident of this place, a laborer, and the legitimate son of Eustacio Morales and Juana Salas, who are living. The second party (Juana) is 16 years old, the legitimate daughter of Tiburcio Luevano and Manuela Martinez, who are also alive. At once, and at the end of the demonstration of their legal capacity to marry, introduced as witnesses were the citizens Crispin Santana (50 years of age) and Zacarias Salinas (60 years of age), both married and adults of age, laborers and residents of this hacienda, witnesses for the first party. The second party presented as witnesses the citizens Juan Perez and Eligio Chavez, both married, adults of age, laborers, and residents of this property, who under the protest of their truthfulness, declared that they are not aware of any impediments to marriage, prior to the consent of the parents, I, the Judge, made the presentation and I decided that it will be published for the period required by law. According to the content that was read to the people present in front of me, I, the Judge, signed it. The people present did not sign it because they do not know how to write.
Signed, Pablo Valdivia
This rich detail can also be found in the following 1788 marriage in the Catholic Church of Aguascalientes which I have also translated to English:
In the Village of Aguas Calientes on the 23rd day of April, 1788, having presided over the usual preparatory steps and having read the arranged marriage banns as required by the Holy Council of Trent in the parish church on three holy days in solemn Mass on the 6th, 13th, and 20th days of the current month, and no impediment to marriage having resulted, I, Father Sir Thomas Serrano, with permission from Father Andres Martinez, the senior interim parish priest, assisted in the marriage in my presence and by these words celebrated in Holy Mass - JOSE CIPRIANO GOMES, of Spanish origin (White), originally from and a resident of this jurisdiction in Juiquinaqui, legitimate son of Antonio Gomes and Rita Quitaria de Robalcava - and MANUELA MASIAS, Spanish, originally from this jurisdiction in the Canutillo and resident of the above-mentioned Juiquinaqui, natural daughter of Ines Masias (deceased) - (joined) in Blessed Nuptials. The padrinos (sponsors)were Antonio Flores and Dolores Garcia and the witnesses, Matias Hernandez and Juan Valades - In witness thereof we signed it.
Even the marriages of slaves and Indians were recorded in detail by the parish priests, as is evident in this partial translation of a 1774 marriage record from Charcas, San Luis Potosí, which indicates the marriage between one Jacinto Ramon Rodriguez Flores, a mulato esclavo (slave mulato), and Maria Manuela Sauzeda (a mestiza from El Rancho del Sitio). The translation of this 233-year-old marriage document reads in part:
In this Parish Church of Our Lady of Charcas on the 16th of August in 1774, having presided over the usual preparatory steps as required by the Holy Council of Trent and the synod of this town,... I married JACINTO RAMON RODRIGUEZ FLORES, a mulato, originally of Aalosto, servant in this place, widower of Rita Quiteria Felicia, who was buried in the Parish a year and three months ago, legitimate son of Francisco Rodriguez and Maria Magdalena Perez, deceased mulata slave,
And MARIA MANUELA SAUZEDA, a mestiza of the Post of Animas in this jurisdiction and resident of Ranch of San Jose de Sitio, legitimate daughter of Francisco Xavier Zauzeda and Martina Xaviera Perez, and not having found any impediments, I proclaimed the banns of marriage...
Mixed marriages of couples who had various combinations of Spanish, African, and Indian blood were common throughout Mexico in the colonial period and many of those records can be viewed today, by either visiting the ancestral parish or accessing the film through the Family History Library's microfilmed resources.
Stepping back into an earlier century, I now present another translated marriage record from the parish archives in Lagos de Moreno, Jalisco from 1673:
On the 6th day of the month of July of the year 1673, I married and veiled within the church FRANCISCO DE CARDONA, a native of Saint Barholome de la Agua, a dependent of the Bishopric of Guadalajara, legitimate son of Francisco de Cardona and Magdalena de Carbajal, with LUISA DE ROBALCABA, native of this village, legitimate daughter of Jose Gonsalez de Robalcaba and Ana Gonsalez Florida (already deceased), resident of this village, having presided over the conciliar measures as required by the Holy Council of Trent, and having published the marriage banns in Holy Mass on three holy days, on Sunday the 9th of July, Sunday the 16th of July and Saturday the 22nd of July. I continued (with the marriage), no impediments to marriage that I know of having resulted...
The evidence is clear that Mexico has another rich resource that many people, in fact, were not aware of.
Los Tapatiós de California:
Returning to Their Jalisco Roots
By John P. Schmal
The Mexican state of Jalisco seems to inspire a sense of cultural
identity and pride that is not nearly as evident with other Mexican
states. Even among some second- and third-generation Americans, loyalty
to and interest in Jalisco is commonplace among Mexican Americans. To
many people, Jalisco represents the essence of Mexican culture,
tradition and music. The Tapatiós are well-known for their energetic
and colorful dances, which are usually accompanied by the mariachi music
that made Guadalajara famous. The state itself has been contributing
large numbers of immigrants to the U.S. since the early Twentieth
Century and continues to send many Jaliscans to California, Texas,
Illinois and other American states.
Guadalajara, the second largest city in Mexico, is the capital of
Jalisco. Founded in 1542, Guadalajara became the administrative capital
of the province of Nueva Galicia. As the second largest tourist
destination in Mexico, the Guadalajara Metropolitan Area enjoys the
highest quality of life in Mexico. With a present-day population of
around 4 million people, it is not surprising that many Mexican
Americans search for their roots in the parish registers of Guadalajara
and its immediate vicinity.
The Purépecha Indians (Tarascans), identified with the State of Michoacán, inhabited some of the southern border regions. The Tepehuán Indians, presently inhabiting Chihuahua, Durango and Nayarit, once lived in some of the northern mountains of Jalisco’s Three-Fingers Border Region with Zacatecas. The Huicholes, who now live in Nayarit, also inhabited some regions of northern Jalisco until shortly after the Spanish contact.
An integral part of genealogical research is historical perspective and understanding Jalisco’s indigenous past is a step towards understanding your own family history. Only three authors have dealt with the topic of Jalisco’s indigenous people at great length. The following two books may be of assistance to the determined researcher:
Peter Gerhard, The North Frontier of New Spain. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1982.
Eric Van Young, "The Indigenous Peoples of Western Mexico from the Spanish Invasion to the Present: The Center-West as Cultural Region and Natural Environment," in Richard E. W. Adams and Murdo J. MacLeod, The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, Volume II: Mesoamerica, Part 2. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 136-186.
In addition, Dr. Phil Weigand of the Centro de Estudios Arqueologicos, El Colegio de Michoacan, in Zamora, Michoacán, has spent years studying the archaeology and history of the indigenous peoples of Jalisco and Zacatecas. Dr. Weigand has written many books and articles on the topic of indigenous Jalisco, both pre-Hispanic and later, and most of these works can be found in the California University library system. Although most of his works are in Spanish, a few are in English.
Many people have come to me talking about the etymology of their surname and how it came from a certain place in Spain at a certain time. Sometimes they give very intricate details about a surname’s history, without really knowing exactly how they connect to the surname, and sometimes their sources of this information are just quotes off the Internet, not from published academic sources.
This is all good information to know and may turn out to be useful (and hopefully accurate), but it is important for people to realize that there is only one way to actual trace your own family tree and that is to look for your ancestors one generation at a time, baptism by baptism, marriage by marriage, going back gradually through time. Like any genealogical research project, tracing your roots in Jalisco demands a certain amount of patience, perseverance, and determination, as well as an open mind. Once you get the hang of it, it is really quite simple and the rewards can be spectacular.
Jalisco is still a vibrant and proud state. People who come from there have difficulty shedding their cultural ties to their tapatió heritage and generally maintain a sense of identity about their Jaliscan origins. The State of Jalisco, with its rich cultural inheritance, has become, in many ways, part of California society as well. But no matter how American you are, it doesn’t hurt to know about your ancestors from Jalisco and the evolution that transformed them from Indian warriors and Spanish settlers into American citizens.
Copyright © 2008 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
Source: John P. Schmal and Donna S. Morales, Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to Mexico (Heritage Books, 2002).
THE HISTORY OF JALISCO
For more than a century, Mexican nationals have been crossing the southern border to begin new lives in the United States. A large percentage of those immigrants have come from the state of Jalisco. Jalisco, located in the west central part of the Mexican Republic, is the sixth largest of Mexico's thirty-one states. Within its 124 municipios, the state boasts a population that is approaching seven million.
Bordered by the Pacific Ocean on its west, the 31,210 square miles of
Jalisco make up 4.1% of the total area of Mexico and touches seven other
Mexican states. While Colima and Michoacán lay to her south and east,
Zacatecas, Aguascalientes and Nayarit lay to the north. In addition,
Jalisco has a common border with Guanajuato and a small sliver of San
Luis Potosí on her northeastern frontier.
Indigenous Jalisco: Living in a New Era
By John P. Schmal
The Mexican state of Jalisco is located in the west central part of the Mexican Republic. This large state, occupying a total of 78,839 square kilometers, borders the states of Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, Nayarit and Durango (on its north), Guanajuato (on its east) and Michoacán de Ocampo and Colima to the south. On its west, Jalisco borders the Pacific Ocean.
Jalisco is crossed by two large mountain ranges, the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Neo-Volcanic Axis. With a wide range of topographies, Jalisco became the home to wide variety of indigenous peoples. Domingo Lázaro de Arregui, in his "Descripción de la Nueva Galicia" – published in 1621 – noted that 72 native langauges were spoken in the Spanish colonial province of Nueva Galicia, which included a large part of Jalisco, as well as Aguascalientes and Zacatecas.
The Spaniards first visited the indigenous peoples of Jalisco in the early 1520s and their journey for the rest of the Sixteenth Century led to displacement, assimilation and mestizaje which I have discussed in a separate article at:
By the early part of the Nineteenth Century, very few people living in Jalisco still spoke Indian languages. In fact, a large number of the original languages spoken in Jalisco had disappeared from the face of the earth. However, the descendants of the original Indians still lived in Jalisco and many of them still felt a spiritual, cultural and physical bond to their Indian ancestors.
On June 23, 1823, the Department of Guadalajara was proclaimed as the "El Estado Libre y Soberano de Jalisco" (The Free and Sovereign State of Jalisco). This new era, however, did not bring stability to Jalisco, nor did it bring economic reform to the descendants of Jalisco’s indigenous peoples. The historian Dawn Fogle Deaton has written that in the sixty-year period from 1825 to 1885, Jalisco witnessed twenty-seven peasant rebellions, most of them carried out by indigenous citizens.
According to Ms. Deaton, the cause of these "waves of unrest,
popular protest, and open rebellion" arose "out of the
political and social struggles among classes and between classes."
She further explained that the "commercialization of the
economy," especially in agriculture, had led to fundamental changes
in the lifestyles of the peasants and thus brought about "the seeds
In a true testament to the mestizaje of Jalisco’s inhabitants, 903,830 Jaliscans classified themselves as "indígena mezclada con blanca" (Indigenous mixed with White), representing 75.8% of the total state population. The mestizos of Jalisco, in fact, represented 10.6% of the mestizo population of the entire Mexican Republic in the 1921 census.
In contrast, only 87,103 of Jalisco’s 1,191,957 inhabitants referred to themselves as "blanca." When the next census was counted in 1930, only 1,681 inhabitants of Jalisco spoke indigenous languages. Nearly all of these persons were Huicholes (1,676). The racial classifications of Jalisco’s population in 1921 is illustrated in the following table:
According to the 2000 census, the population of persons five years and more who spoke indigenous languages in Jalisco totalled 39,259 individuals. The most common of these languages were: Huichol (10,976 persons), Náhuatl (6,714), Purépecha (3,074), Mixteco (1,471), Otomí (1,193), and Zapoteco (1,061). The majority of the indigenous languages spoken in the state were transplanted tongues from other parts of México and the Huichol language represented the only truly indigenous language of these tongues.
The State of Jalisco contains 124 municipios, but only 11 of these entities contained indigenous populations that numbered more than one percent in 2000. I have illustrated the indigenous populations of these municipios in the following table:
The most important indigenous group still living in Jalisco are the Huichol people. In the entire Mexican Republic, there were 30,686 persons five years of age or more who spoke the Huichol language in the 2000 census. They were primarily distributed across portions of four adjacent states: Nayarit (16,932), Jalisco (10,976), Durango (1,435), and Zacatecas (330). The Huicholes have managed to preserve their identity, language, culture and religious customs, largely because of their isolation in the Sierra Madre Mountains in the northern reaches of Jalisco, where they occupy portions of all four states.
The three main Huichol communities belong to the northern Jalisco municipio of Mezquitic. The Huichol speakers numbered 7,652 in the 2000 census and represented 64.75% of the municipio’s population. Monolingual Huicholes numbered 2,621 individuals, representing 34.25% of the Huichol speakers and a clear indication of their resistance to assimilation into mainstream Mexican culture.
In 2000, Huichol speakers also represented 48.35% of the population of the Municipio of Bolaños. The Huicholes have been described and analyzed in a multitude of published works. The reader may be interested in checking this source for a brief, but detailed, description of this indigenous group:
The Náhuatl language is spoken by many inhabitants of Jalisco. Because this language has been spoken for so long in so many parts of México for so long, some Náhuatl speakers are probably migrants from other states, while others are natives to the state. Náhuatl speakers tend to inhabit municipios with larger populations, such as Guadalajara (where 1,494 Náhuatl speakers lived in 2000), Zapopan (7,348 speakers) and Puerto Vallarta (779 speakers). They are largely bilingual and can communicate in Spanish.
Purépecha is the third most commonly spoken language in present-day Jalisco. The Purépecha – who are sometimes called Tarascans (a label that was given to them by the Spaniards in the Sixteenth Century) – ruled over a significant portion of Michoacán during the pre-Hispanic era and have managed to preserve their language and many of their unique customs. Many of the Purépecha speakers live in the border regions adjacent to Michoacán.
The Otomí, Mixtec and Zapotec languages are also believed to be largely migrant languages in Jalisco. Otomí is widely spoken through many central Mexican states, while the Mixtec and Zapotec languages have their origins in the southern state of Oaxaca. The Mixtecs and Zapotecs have migrated to many states of Mexico and are in great demand as agricultural laborers throughout the northern states.
The Cora people, like the Huichol, have survived in isolation, occupying mountains and valleys within the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountain range. The vast majority of the Cora speakers (15,380) live in the State of Nayarit, Jalisco’s northwestern neighbor. However, in 2000, only 162 Cora speakers lived within Jalisco’s borders.
As Jalisco moves into the Twenty-First Century, the percentage of indigeous speakers in the state – as with many other Mexican states – will continue to drop as assimilation continues. The presence of migrant laborers from other parts of the country will ensure that Jalisco has a significant number of persons speaking Indian languages, but most of those languages are not truly indigenous to the state itself. Nevertheless, many sons and daughters of Jalisco recognize and feel great pride in the indigenous heritage that they have inherited from their distant ancestors.
Departamento de la Estadistica Nacional, Estados Unidos Mexicanos, "Censos General de Habitantes: 30 de Noviembre de 1921, Estado de Jalisco," (Mexico, Distrito Federal: Talleres Graficos de la Nación, 1926)
Dawn Fogle Deaton, "The Decade of Revolt: Peasant Rebellion in
Jalisco, Mexico, 1855-1864," in Robert H. Jackson (ed.),
"Liberals, the Church, and Indian Peasants: Corporate Lands and the
Challenge of Reform in Nineteenth-Century Spanish America."
(Albuquerque: New Mexico Press, 1997).
John P. Schmal
The modern state of Jalisco consists of 78,597 square kilometers located in the west central portion of the Mexican Republic and taking up 4.0% of the national territory. As the seventh largest state in Mexico, Jalisco is politically divided into 124 municipios. With a 2010 population of about 7,844,830 inhabitants, Jalisco has the fourth largest population in Mexico with 6.6% of the national population. The capital of Jalisco is Guadalajara, which had a 2010 population of 1,495,182. In addition to being the second largest city in Mexico, Guadalajara’s population represents almost one-fifth of Jalisco’s entire population.
Jalisco is a very large state and actually has boundaries with seven other Mexican states. While Colima and Michoacán lay to her south and east, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes and Nayarit lay to the north. In addition, Jalisco has a common border with Guanajuato and a small sliver of San Luis Potosí on her northeastern frontier. The name Jalisco comes from the Náhuatl words xali (sand) and ixco (surface). Together, these words mean "sandy surface". Up to 1867, Nayarit was part of Jalisco. In August 1867, Nayarit became the “Military District of Tepic.” It was elevated to the status of a territory separate from Jalisco in 1884, achieving full statehood in 1917.
The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Jalisco exceeded one trillion pesos
in 2015 and contributed 6.8% of Mexico’s national GDP. In 2015, the
five primary contributors to Jalisco’s GDP were: wholesale and retail
trade (21.8%); manufacturing (20.5%); real estate, rental and leasing
(13.0%); construction (8.6%) and agriculture/forestry/fishing/hunting
Of Jalisco’s 3.6
million workers during 2016, almost one-in-four (1,402,644, or 39.35%)
were employed in the manufacturing and commerce sectors. While 304,996
persons were engaged in agriculture/forestry/ fishing and hunting
(8.5%), a slightly larger number (319,730, or 9.0%) were employed in the
accommodation and food services.
Wide Range of Topographies
Jalisco is crossed by two
large mountain ranges, the Sierra
Madre Occidental and the Neo-Volcanic
Axis. While the Sierra
Madre Occidental runs north to south across western Mexico, the
Neo-Volcanic Axis is a long line of ancient volcanoes (many still
active) that extends from the Pacific Ocean (north of Guadalajara)
eastward to the Gulf of Mexico, just to the south of Veracruz.
When the Spaniards
started exploring Jalisco and Zacatecas in the 1520s and 1530s, they
encountered several nomadic tribes occupying the area which they
referred to as La Gran Chichimeca. The
Aztecs collectively referred to these Indians with the all-encompassing
All of the Chichimeca Indians shared a primitive hunting-collecting
culture, based on the gathering of mesquite, acorns, roots and seeds, as
well as the hunting of small animals, including frogs, lizards, snakes
and worms. Within the present-day boundaries of Jalisco, the Caxcanes,
Guachichiles, Tecuexes and Guamares were considered to be Chichimecas.
With a wide range of
topographies, Jalisco became the home to a wide variety of indigenous
peoples. Domingo Lázaro de
Arregui, in his “Descripción
de la Nueva Galicia” – published in 1621 – noted that 72
native languages were spoken in the Spanish colonial province of Nueva
Galicia, which included a large part of Jalisco, as well as
Nayarit, Aguascalientes and Zacatecas. However, according
to the author Eric van Young, “the
extensive and deep-running mestizaje” (the racial and cultural
mixing of Amerindians with Europeans) of Nueva Galicia has meant “that
at any time much beyond the close of the colonial period the history of
the native peoples has been progressively interwoven with (or submerged
in) that of non-native groups.”
The historian Philip
Wayne Powell has written several books that dealt with the Chichimeca
Indians and the Spanish encounter with these Indians. In his publication
Soldiers Indians and Silver: North
America's First Frontier War, Mr. Powell noted that “Hernán
Cortés, the Conqueror, defeated the Aztecs in a two-year campaign”
but that his “stunning success created
an illusion of European superiority over the Indian as a warrior.”
Continuing with this line of thought, Mr. Powell observed that “this
lightning-quick subjugation of such massive and complex peoples as the
Tlaxcalan, Aztec, and Tarascan, proved to be but prelude to a far longer
military struggle against the peculiar and terrifying prowess” of the
Chichimeca nations and their warriors.
In December 1529, Nuño
de Guzmán, left Mexico City at the head of a force of five hundred
Spaniards and 10,000 Indian soldiers. According to J. Lloyd Mecham, the
author of Francisco
de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya, “Guzmán was an able and even
brilliant lawyer, a man of great energy and firmness, but insatiably
ambitious, aggressive, wily, and cruel.”
In a rapid and brutal campaign lasting from February to June,
1530, Guzmán traveled through Michoacán, Jalisco, and southern
Zacatecas. The historian Peter Gerhard writes that “Guzmán's strategy
throughout was to terrorize the natives with often unprovoked killing,
torture, and enslavement. The army left a path of corpses and destroyed
houses and crops, impressing surviving males into service and leaving
women and children to starve.”
Once Guzmán had
consolidated his conquests, he ordered all of the conquered Indians of
Jalisco to be distributed among Spanish encomiendas. The individual
receiving the encomienda, known as the encomendero, received free labor
and tribute from the Indians, in return for which the subjects were
commended to the encomendero's care. It was the duty of the encomendero
to Christianize, educate and feed the natives under their care. However,
as might be expected, such human institutions were prone to abuse and
misuse and, as a result, some Indians were reduced to slave labor.
Taking formal possession
of the conquered areas, Guzmán named his conquered territory “Greater Spain.”
However, twelve years later, the Spaniard administration renamed
the region as Nueva
Galicia (New Galicia). Reports of Guzmán's brutal treatment of
the indigenous people got the attention of the authorities in Mexico
City. Two years later, he was returned to Spain in chains to stand
trial. He spent some time in prison and died in Spain around 1558.
Mixtón Rebellion (1540-1541)
In the spring of 1540,
the Indian population of western Mexico began a fierce rebellion against
Spanish rule. The indigenous tribes living along today's Three-Finger
border region between Jalisco and Zacatecas led the way in fomenting the
insurrection. In the hills near Teul and Nochistlán, the Indians
attacked Spanish settlers and soldiers and destroyed churches.
By April of 1541, the
Cazcanes of southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco were waging a
full-scale revolt against all symbols of Spanish rule. It took the
better part of two years to contain the Mixtón Rebellion. Antonio de
Mendoza, who had become the first Viceroy of Nueva España in 1535,
quickly assembled a force of 450 Spaniards and 30,000 Aztec and
Tlaxcalan warriors. In a series of short sieges and assaults, Mendoza
gradually suffocated the uprising. By December, 1541, the native
resistance had been completely crushed. The aftermath of this defeat,
according to Peter Gerhard, led to thousands of deaths. In addition, he
writes, “thousands were driven off in chains to the mines, and many of
the survivors (mostly women and children) were transported from their
homelands to work on Spanish farms and haciendas.” Fortunately, some
of these people were allowed to return home a decade later.
The Chichimeca War
Mr. Powell writes that
rush to establish new settlements and pave new roads through Zacatecas,
“left in its wake a long
stretch of unsettled and unexplored territory.” To function
properly, the Zacatecas silver mines “required well-defined and easily
traveled routes.” Mr. Powell wrote that these highways “became the
tangible, most frequently visible evidence of the white man's permanent
intrusion” into their land. As the natives learned about the
usefulness of the goods being transported (silver, food, and clothing),
“they quickly appreciated the vulnerability of this highway movement
to any attack they might launch.”
In time, the Zacatecos
and Guachichile Indians, in whose territory most of the silver mines
could be found, started to resist the intrusion by assaulting the
travelers and merchants using the roads. And thus began La
Guerra de los Chichimecas
(The War of the Chichimecas), which eventually became the longest
and most expensive conflict between Spaniards and the indigenous peoples
of New Spain in the history of the colony. The present-day northern
regions of Jalisco were included in this war zone.
The Chichimeca conflict
forced the Spaniards to rely heavily upon their Christian Indian allies.
The result of this dependence upon indigenous allies as soldados
(soldiers) and pobladores
(settlers) led to enormous and wide-ranging migration and resettlement
patterns that would transform the geographic nature of the indigenous
peoples of Nueva Galicia. In describing this phenomenon, Mr. Powell
noted that the “Indians formed the bulk of the fighting forces against
the Chichimeca warriors; As fighters, as burden bearers, as
interpreters, as scouts, as emissaries, the pacified natives of
New Spain played significant and often indispensable roles in
subjugating and civilizing the Chichimeca country.”
By the middle of the
Sixteenth Century, the Tarascans, Aztecs, Cholultecans, Otomíes,
Tlaxcalans, and the Cazcanes had all joined forces with the Spanish
military. By the time the Chichimeca War began in 1550, the Tarascans
and Otomíes, in particular, had already developed “considerable
experience in warfare alongside the Spaniards.” As
a result, explains Mr. Powell, “They were the first important
auxiliaries employed for entradas against the Chichimecas.”
through Epidemic Disease
The physical isolation of
the Indians in the Americas is the primary reason for which disease
caused such havoc with the Native American populations. This physical
isolation resulted in a natural quarantine from the rest of the planet
and from a wide assortment of communicable diseases. When smallpox first
ravaged through Mexico in 1520, no Indian had immunity to the disease.
During the first century
of the conquest, the Mexican Indians suffered through 19 major
epidemics. They were exposed to smallpox, chicken pox, diphtheria,
influenza, scarlet fever, measles, typhoid, mumps, influenza, and
cocoliztli (a hemorrhagic disease). Peter Gerhard has estimated the
total native population of Nueva Galicia in 1520 at 855,000 persons. By
1550, this number had dropped to 220,000.
In two decades, the
populous coastal region north of Banderas Bay witnessed the greatest
population decline. By the late 1530s, the population of the Pacific
coastal plain and foothills from Acaponeta to Purificación had declined
by more than half. Subsequently, Indians from the highland areas were
transported to work in the cacao plantations. When their numbers
declined, the Spaniards turned to African slaves. In spite of the
epidemics, several areas of Jalisco were less affected by contagious
One of the primary
indigenous groups of Jalisco was the Cazcanes (Caxcanes) who lived in
the northern section of the state. They were a partly nomadic people,
whose principal religious and population centers were at Teul,
Tlaltenango, Juchipila, and Teocaltiche. The language of the Caxcanes
Indians was widely spoken in the northcentral portion of Jalisco along
the “Three-Fingers Border Zone” with Zacatecas. It is believed that
the Caxcanes language was spoken at Teocaltiche, Ameca, Huejúcar, and
across the border in Nochistlán, Zacatecas. The language of Cazcanes
was very similar to the Nahua dialect spoken by the Mexica and has
sometimes been referred to as a corrupt form of Nahua.
According to Mr. Powell,
the Caxcanes were "the heart and the center of the Indian rebellion
in 1541 and 1542." After the Mixtón Rebellion, the Cazcanes became
allies of the Spaniards. For this reason, they suffered attacks by the
Zacatecas and Guachichiles during the Chichimeca War. As a cultural
group, the Caxcanes ceased to exist during the Nineteenth Century. The
only person who has published detailed materials relating to the
Caxcanes is the archaeologist, Dr. Phil C. Weigand.
From Guadalajara in the
north to Sayula in the south and from Cocula in the west to La Barca and
Lake Chapala in the east, the Cocas inhabited a significant swath of
territory in central and southern Jalisco. Zapotitlan, Jocotepec, Cocula
and Tepec were all within their domain. When the Spaniards first entered
their territory, some of the Coca Indians, guided by their leader
Tzitlali, moved away to a small valley surrounded by high mountains, a
place they named “Cocolan.” When
the Spaniards arrived in the vicinity of present-day Guadalajara in
1530, they found about one thousand dispersed farmers belonging to both
the Tecuexes and Cocas.
The late American
anthropologist Carolyn Baus de Czitrom studied the Cocas extensively and
published a remarkable work about their traditions and way of life. In
her landmark work, “Tecuexes
y Cocas: Dos Grupos de la Region Jalisco en el Siglo XVI,” Dr.
Baus de Czitrom described the Cocas as a very peaceful and cooperative
people (“Los cocas era gente dócil, buena y amiga de los españoles.”),
which she based largely on the accounts of Tello.
Because the Cocas were a
peaceful people, the Spaniards, for the most part, left them alone. Some
historians believe that the word mariachi
originated in the language of the Cocas. Some of the traditions
surrounding mariachi are certainly derived from the Coca culture and the
five-stringed musical instrument called vihuela
was a creation of the Cocas.
From Magdalena and
Tequila in the west to Jalostotitlán and Cerro Gordo in the east, the
Tecuexes occupied a considerable area of northern Jalisco. Their
southern border extended just south of Guadalajara while their eastern
range extended into the northwestern part of Los Altos and included
Mexticacan, Tepatitlán and Valle de Guadalupe. The Tecuexes were also
studied extensively by Dr. Baus de Czitrom, who reported that the
Spaniards considered them to be brave and bold warriors (“Los Tecuexes
eran valientes y audaces guerreros.”)
The Tecuexes and Cocas
both occupied some of the same communities within central Jalisco,
primarily in the region of Guadalajara. It seems likely that this
coexistence probably led to inter-marital relationships between the
Cocas and Tecuexes in some areas and played a role in aligning the two
peoples together. However, in other areas such as Lake Chapala, the
Tecuexes and Cocas were adversaries.
The Tecuexes were
frequently at odds with their other neighbors in the north, the Caxcanes.
In fact, it is believed that Caxcanes originally invaded the territory
of the Tecuexes in the area of Tlatenango, Juchipila, Nochistlán (Zacatecas)
and Teocaltiche (Jalisco) during the pre-Hispanic era. The Caxcanes and
Tecuexes in this area continued to their hostilities for as many as 260
years until the arrival of the Spaniards.
The Spaniards first
confronted the Tecuexes in an area north of Lake Chapala. When Guzmán
arrived in the area in February 1530, the Tecuexes fled at first, but
returned a few days later. Both the Tecuexes and Cocas had heard that
Guzmán was on his way and decided to accept the invaders peacefully.
When the Spanish force arrived, most of the leaders of the Cocas
and Tecuexes received them in friendship and offered gifts.
However, one group of
Tecuexes decided to resist and ambushed Guzmán and his men. Because of
their superiority in arms, the Spaniards quickly defeated this group.
Later, the manipulative Guzmán used an alliance with the Cocas to help
subdue the Tecuexes. Like the Caxcanes, the Tecuexes suffered in the
aftermath of the Mixtón Rebellion.
The Coras inhabited an
area that is now located in present-day Nayarit as well as the
northwestern fringes of Jalisco. The Cora call themselves Nayarit or
Nayariti, a tribe belonging to the Taracahitian division of the
Uto-Aztecan linguistic family. The Cora developed agricultural methods
that included the building of terraces to control erosion. Today, the
Coras, numbering more than 20,000 people, continue to survive, primarily
in Nayarit and to a lesser extent in Jalisco. The Cora Indians have been
studied by several historians and archaeologists. One of the most
interesting works about the Cora is Catherine Palmer Finerty's “In
a Village far From Home: My Life among the Cora Indians of the Sierra
Madre” (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2000).
The Cuyutecos ‒
speaking the Nahua language of the Aztecs ‒ settled in
southwestern Jalisco, inhabiting Atenquillo, Talpa, Mascota, Mixtlán,
Atengo, and Tecolotlán. The population of this area ‒ largely
depleted by the epidemics of the Sixteenth Century ‒ was partially
repopulated by Spaniards and Indian settlers from Guadalajara and other
parts of Mexico. It is believed the Cuyuteco language may have been a
late introduction into Jalisco.
Of all the Chichimec
tribes, the Guachichile Indians occupied the largest territory, – an
estimated 100,000 square kilometers – from Saltillo, Coahuila in the
north to Lake Chapala in eastern Jalisco on the southern end. Their
territory extended through parts of eastern Zacatecas, western San Luis
Potosí, parts of eastern Jalisco, Aguascalientes and western Guanajuato.
Their territory extended westward close to the city of Zacatecas and
eastward into sections of San Luis Potosí. The
present-day Jalisco cities of Lagos de Moreno, Arandas, Ayo el Chico,
and Tepatitlán were within the territory of the Guachichiles.
The name Guachichil ‒ given
to them by the Aztecs ‒ meant “head colored red.” They had
been given this label, writes Mr. Dunne, because “they were
distinguished by red feather headdresses, by painting themselves red
(especially the hair), or by wearing head coverings (bonetillas) made of
hides and painted red.” The archaeologist Paul Kirchhoff wrote that
the following traits characterized the Guachichile Indians: “painting
of the body; coloration of the hair; head gear; matrilocal residence;
freedom of the married woman; special forms of cruelty to enemies.”
In the development of
tribal alliances, the Guachichiles were considered the most advanced of
the Chichimec tribes. They were a major catalyst in provoking the other
tribes to resist the Spanish settlement and exploitation of Indian
lands. Their resistance in the Chichimeca War became legendary. The
Spanish frontiersmen and contemporary writers referred to the Guachichiles
“as being the most ferocious, the most valiant, and the most
elusive” of all their indigenous adversaries. After the end of
the Chichimeca War, the Guachichiles were very quickly assimilated and
Christianized and no longer exist as a distinguishable cultural entity.
The nation of the
Guamares took up portions of western Guanajuato, northeastern Jalisco
and a small part of Aguascalientes. The author, Gonzalo de las Casas,
called the Guamares
“the bravest, most warlike, treacherous, and destructive of all the
Chichimecas.” The area around San Juan de los Lagos, Encarnación
de Díaz and Jalostotitlán in northeastern Jalisco (Los Altos)
was primarily occupied by the “Chichimecas
Blancos,” a Guamares tribe who used limestone pigments to
color their faces and bodies. When Pedro Almíndez Chirinos traveled
through here in March 1530 with a force of fifty Spaniards and 500
Tarascan and Tlaxcalan allies, the inhabitants gave him a peaceful
Some historians believe
that the Huichol Indians are descended from the nomadic Guachichiles,
having moved westward and settled down to an agrarian lifestyle,
inhabited a small area in northwestern Jalisco, adjacent to the border
with Nayarit. The Huicholes, seeking to avoid confrontation with the
Spaniards, became very isolated and thus we able to survive as a people
and a culture.
In contrast to the Cora
Indians, the Huichol were never congregated into nucleated mission
settlements and thus, according to Franz (1996), were never converted
from their "primitive pagan ways." In his 2001 thesis for the
University of Florida, Brad Morris Biglow noted that, while the Cora
Indians fought aggressively to resist acculturation, the Huichol
response was primarily to “flee” to more remote locations in the
Sierra Madre. According to Aguirre Beltran, the Huichol retreat into the
Sierra created a “region of refuge” and enabled the Huichol to
“resist the acculturative pressures around them.”
The isolation of the
Huicholes ‒ now occupying parts of northwestern Jalisco and
Nayarit ‒ has served them well for their aboriginal culture has
survived with relatively few major modifications since the period of
first contact with Western culture. Even today, the Huichol Indians of
Jalisco and Nayarit currently inhabit an isolated region of the Sierra
Madre Occidental. At the time of the Spanish contact, Huichol speakers
were living in the northern stretches of what is now called the
Three-Fingers Region of Northern Jalisco, in particular Huejuquilla,
Tuxpan and Colotlán.
The survival of the
Huichol has intrigued historians and archaeologists alike. The art,
history, culture, language and religion of the Huichol have been the
subject of at least a dozen books. Carl Lumholtz, in Symbolism
of the Huichol Indians: A Nation of Shamans (Oakland,
California: B.I. Finson, 1988), made observations about the religion of
the Huichol. Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst edited People
of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), discussed the
history, culture and language of these fascinating people in great
The Otomíes were a
Chichimeca nation primarily occupying Querétaro and Guanajuato.
However, early on, the Otomíes allied themselves with the Spaniards and
Mexica Indians. As a result, writes Mr. Powell, Otomí settlers were
“issued a grant of privileges” and were “supplied with tools for
breaking land.” For their
allegiance, they were exempted from tribute and given a certain amount
of autonomy in their towns. During the 1550s, Luis de Velasco (the
second Viceroy of Nueva España) used Otomí militia against the
Chichimecas. The strategic placement of Otomí settlements in Nueva
Galicia made their language dominant near Zapotitlán, Juchitlán, Autlán,
and other towns near Jalisco's southern border with Colima.
The Purépecha Indians
The Purépecha Indians
‒ also referred to as the Tarascans and Porhé ‒ inhabited
many parts of present-day Michoacán and boasted a powerful empire that
rivaled the Aztec Empire during the Fifteenth and early Sixteenth
Centuries. As recently as 2010, the Purépecha numbered over 124,000
speakers. This language, classified as an isolated language, was spoken
along the southern fringes of southern Jalisco, adjacent to the border
with Colima. Today, the Purépecha language is still the third-most
spoken indigenous language in Jalisco.
In pre-Hispanic times,
the Tepehuán Indians inhabited a wide swath of territory that stretched
through sections of present-day Jalisco, Nayarit, Durango and Chihuahua.
According to Buelna (1891), they received their name from the Náhuatl
term tepetl, "mountain," and huan, "at the junction
of.” Unlike the Guachichiles, the Tepehuanes did not become involved
in operations against the Spaniards in the Chichimec War. Charlotte M.
Gradie’s “The Tepehuán Revolt of 1616:
Militarism, Evangelism and Colonialism in Seventeenth Century Nueva
Vizcaya” (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000)
discussed in great detail the Tepehuanes and their famous 1616-1619
revolt that ravaged much of Durango.
After their rebellion was crushed, the Tepehuán moved to hiding
places in the Sierra Madre to avoid Spanish retaliation.
Today, the Tepehuán
retain elements of their old culture. At the time of the Spanish
contact, the Tepehuanes language was spoken in “Three Fingers
Region” of northwestern Jalisco in such towns as Tepee, Mezquital and
Colotlán. The Tepehuanes language and culture are no longer found in
Jalisco, but more than 35,000 Tepehuanes still reside in southern
Chihuahua and some parts of Durango and Nayarit.
and Mestizaje (1590-1620)
The employment of
Tarascans, Aztecs and Tlaxcalans for the purpose of “defensive
colonization” ‒ discussed earlier in this report ‒
encouraged a gradual assimilation of the Chichimecas and other Jalisco
Indians. In the 1590s Náhuatl-speaking colonists from Tlaxcala and the
Valley of Mexico settled in some parts of Jalisco to serve, as Mr.
Gerhard writes, “as a frontier militia and a civilizing influence.”
As the Indians of Jalisco made peace and settled down to work for
Spanish employers, they labored in the fields alongside the Christian,
“civilized” Indians. In time, the indigenous Jalisco groups were
absorbed into the more dominant cultures from the south (i.e., Aztec,
Tlaxcalan, Otomí and Tarascan Indians).
By the early Seventeenth
Century, writes Mr. Powell, most of the Chichimeca Indians had disappeared as distinguishable
cultural entities and “the
sixteenth-century land of war thus became fully Mexican in its
from Spain (1823)
By the early part of the
Nineteenth Century, very few people living in Jalisco still spoke
indigenous languages. In fact, a large number of the original languages
spoken in Jalisco had disappeared from the face of the earth. However,
the descendants of the original Indians still lived in Jalisco and many
of them still felt a spiritual, cultural and physical bond to their
Indian ancestors. On June 23, 1823, the Department of Guadalajara was
proclaimed as the “El Estado Libre y Soberano de Jalisco” (The Free
and Sovereign State of Jalisco).
independence did not bring stability to Jalisco, nor did it bring
economic reform to the descendants of Jalisco’s indigenous peoples.
The historian Dawn Fogle Deaton writes that in the sixty-year period from
1825 to 1885, Jalisco witnessed twenty-seven peasant (primarily
indigenous) rebellions. Seventeen of these uprisings occurred
within one decade, 1855-64, and the year 1857 witnessed ten separate
revolts. According to Ms. Deaton, the cause of these "waves of
unrest, popular protest, and open rebellion" arose "out of the
political and social struggles among classes and between classes."
She further explained that the "commercialization of the
economy," especially in agriculture, had led to fundamental changes
in the lifestyles of the peasants and thus brought about "the seeds
As Jalisco prepared to
enter the Twentieth Century, the indigenous speaking population of the
State declined considerably. In the 1895 census, only 4,510 persons
spoke an indigenous language, representing 0.38% of the state’s total
population. By the time of the 1930 census, this figure would drop to
2,648 (0.21% of the total population).
1921 Census: Racial Classifications
In spite of the lost
language connection, the bond that many Jaliscans felt towards their
indigenous ancestry continued well into the Twentieth Century and is
clearly manifested in the 1921 Mexican census. At the time of this
census, which was tallied after the end of the devastating Mexican
Revolution (1910-1920), 199,728 Jalisco natives identified
themselves as being of “indígena pura” (pure indigenous) descent,
representing 16.8% of the entire state’s population.
In a true testament to
the mestizaje of Jalisco’s inhabitants, 903,830 Jaliscans classified
themselves as “indígena mezclada con blanca” (Indigenous mixed with
White), representing 75.8% of the total state population. The following
table illustrates the racial classifications in the 1921 census:
According to the 2000
census, the population of persons five years and more who spoke
indigenous languages in Jalisco totaled 39,259 individuals, representing
only 0.7% of Jalisco’s 5,541,480 inhabitants. The most common of these
The majority of the
indigenous languages spoken in the state were transplanted tongues from
other parts of México, with the Huichol language representing the only
truly indigenous language of Jalisco. Although the State of Jalisco
contains 124 municipios, only 11 of them contained indigenous
populations that numbered more than one percent in 2000, including:
The 2010 Mexican census
reported that the inhabitants of Jalisco spoke 59 different indigenous
languages. However, Jalisco’s 53,695 indigenous speakers represented
only 0.8% of the total state population, and Jalisco ranked 26th
among the Mexican states and Distrito Federal in the percent of people
speaking indigenous languages. The most commonly spoken language
categories in Jalisco for the 2010 census were:
Together the three most
common languages represented 63.4% of all indigenous speakers in the
state. The fourth- and
fifth-most spoken languages were Mixteco and Zapoteco, both languages
indigenous to the State of Oaxaca.
In 2010, seven municipios had
indigenous language speakers who made up between 2.3% and 75.9% of their
entire populations, as shown in the following table:
As noted in the preceding
table, nearly one-quarter (12,540 or 23.4%) of Jalisco’s indigenous
speaking population lived in the municipio of Mezquitic, which is in
Jalisco’s Three-Fingers Area and has borders with both Nayarit (on the
west) and Zacatecas (on the west and east).
The municipio with the
second largest percentage of indigenous speakers was Bolaños, which is
just south of Mezquitic. Both municipios together have over 16,000
indigenous speakers, most of which speak Huichol. The two municipios
contain almost one-third of all Jalisco’s indigenous speakers (30.9%).
Huichol People of Today
The most important
indigenous group still living in Jalisco are the Huichol people. In the
entire Mexican Republic, there were 30,686 persons five years of age or
more who spoke the Huichol language in the 2000 census. They were
primarily distributed across portions of four contiguous states:
Nayarit (16,932), Jalisco (10,976), Durango (1,435) and Zacatecas
(330). The Huicholes have
managed to preserve their identity, language, culture and religious
customs, largely because of their isolation in the Sierra Madre
Stacy B. Schaefer’s Huichol
Women, Weavers, and Shamans (2015) quotes the Comisión Nacional
Para el Desarrollo de Los Pueblos Indígenas’ (INI) recent report
which states the Huichol population nationwide totaled 59,280 in 2011,
with 8,791 of this number four years old or younger.
Purépecha is the third
most commonly spoken language in present-day Jalisco.
The Purépecha – who are sometimes called Tarascans (a label
that was given to them by the Spaniards in the Sixteenth Century) –
ruled over a significant portion of Michoacán during the pre-Hispanic
era and have managed to preserve their language and many of their unique
customs. In 2010, most of the Purépecha speakers in Jalisco lived in
the municipios of Zapopan, Tlaquepaque and Guadalajara. Because these
municipios are not adjacent to Michoacán, it is assumed that these are
migrants or the descendants of Purépecha migrants.
The Cora people, like the
Huichol, have survived in isolation, occupying mountains and valleys
within the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountain range. The vast majority of
the 15,380 Cora speakers in 2000 lived in the State of Nayarit,
Jalisco’s northwestern neighbor. In 2000, only 162 Cora speakers lived
within Jalisco’s borders. By 2010, the number of Cora speakers in
Jalisco had dropped to 116.
The Náhuatl, Otomí,
Mixtec and Zapotec languages are believed to be largely migrant
languages in Jalisco. Otomí is widely spoken through many central
Mexican states, while the Mixtec and Zapotec languages have their
origins in the southern state of Oaxaca. The Mixtecs and Zapotecs have
migrated to a large number of Mexican states and are in great demand as
agricultural laborers in some of the northern states. The largest number
of Náhuatl speakers in 2010 lived in the municipios of Zapopan,
Guadalajara and Puerto Vallarta. They are most likely migrants who were
attracted to these regions for employment.
Life Blood of Jalisco
As Jalisco moves closer
to the third decade of the Twenty-First Century, only the arrival of
migrant laborers from other parts of the country will ensure that
Jalisco has a small population of people who speak indigenous languages,
but almost all of those languages are not truly indigenous to the state
However, many sons and
daughters of Jalisco recognize and feel great pride in their distant
indigenous ancestors who both greeted and went to war with the Spaniards
who arrived there in the Sixteenth Century. Although the
Cocas, Tecuexes, Caxcanes, Guachichiles and Chichimecos Blancos
no longer exist as cultural groups with living languages and traditions,
they are, in fact, The Life Blood of Jalisco.
At the following link,
researchers will find links to each of Jalisco’s municipios. Through
this resource, interested readers can learn more about the indigenous
people and history of each of their ancestral municipios:
© 2017 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
de Czitrom, Carolyn. Tecuexes
y Cocas: Dos Grupos de la Region Jalisco en el Siglo XVI.
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Departamento de
Investigaciones Históricas, No. 112. México: Serie Etnohistoria, 1982.
Biglow, Brad Morris. Ethno-Nationalist
Politics and Cultural Preservation: Education and Bordered Identities
among the Wixaritari (Huichol) of Tateikita, Jalisco. Mexico.
Gainesville, Florida: Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Florida, 2001.
Deaton, Dawn Fogle,
"The Decade of Revolt: Peasant Rebellion in Jalisco, Mexico,
1855-1864," in Robert H. Jackson (ed.), Liberals,
the Church, and Indian Peasants: Corporate Lands and the Challenge of
Reform in Nineteenth-Century Spanish America. Albuquerque: New
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General de Habitantes: 30 de Noviembre de 1921, Estado de Jalisco.
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Gerhard, Peter. The
North Frontier of New Spain. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1982.
Gorenstein, Shirley S.
“Western and Northwestern Mexico,” in Richard E. W. Adams and Murdo
J. MacLeod, The
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de Los Lagos de Moreno, 1999.
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Women, Weavers, and Shamans. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University
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Furst, Peter T. People
of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion, and Survival.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1996.
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ProMéxico Trade and Investment: Jalisco. Online:
Van Young, Eric. “The
Indigenous Peoples of Western Mexico from the Spanish Invasion to the
Present: The Center-West as Cultural Region and Natural Environment,”
in Richard E. W. Adams and Murdo J. MacLeod, The
Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, Volume II:
Mesoamerica, Part 2. Cambridge, U.K.:
Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 136-186
Weigand, Phil C.
“Considerations on the Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Mexicaneros,
Tequales, Coreas, Huicholes, and Caxcanes of Nayarit, Jalisco, and
Zacatecas,” in William J. Folan (ed.), Contributions to the Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Greater Mesoamerica.
Carbondale, Illinois: Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern
Illinois University Press, 1985.
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